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中国广西靠近中越边界的京族每年为祭祀社区保护神祗所举行的哈节,于2006年被列入国家级非物质文化遗产名录。本文试从以下三个方面探讨一年一度的哈节在被列入国家非物质文化遗产计划前后所展现的变化:节日的文化表演内容、国家行政与民间宗教之间的界线、京族与越南跨国文化联系中的国家边界。我们发现,自从被列入国家非物质文化遗产以来,京族哈节在这三个方面均经历了重大变化:(1)哈节由仅作为对京族社区成员而言有意义的宗教实践,扩展成为京族文化的整体性展示,用以对外标识京族身份认同的文化边界;(2)国家行政范围延伸至节日的活动中,使国家行政与民间宗教之间的界线变得模糊;(3)跨国境边界的文化联系被公开宣扬推广。本文围绕哈节探讨了京族当地社会在与国家和跨国的交往中所展现的变迁,以及哈节被列入国家非物质文化遗产名录后,在上列种种边界变化的问题上所起的显著作用。
Each year, the festival of ethnic minorities held annually by the Jing nationality near the Sino-Vietnamese border to sacrifice the deities in the community is included in the list of state-level intangible cultural heritage in 2006. This article attempts to explore changes in the annual festival of Ha-ha before and after its inclusion in the national program of intangible cultural heritage from the following three aspects: the cultural performance of the festival, the boundary between state administration and folk religion, the cross-border between the Jing nationality and Vietnam National boundaries in cultural relations. We have found that since its inclusion in the national intangible cultural heritage, Kyrgyzstan has undergone major changes in all three areas: (1) Hasha has been extended to include religious practices that are meaningful only to members of the Kyrgyz community (2) the extension of state administration into festivals, which obscures the boundary between state administration and folk religion; (3) the cross-border The cultural link at the border was publicly publicized. This essay discusses the vicissitudes of local community in Kyrgyzstan during the process of its interaction with the country and its transnational countries and the significant role played by the Kazakh section in the list of the national intangible cultural heritage .