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汉语并列句后续句中的省略结构是学界关注的热点之一,尤其是对于空宾结构是否属于动词短语省略结构这一问题,学界一直存在很大的争论。本文运用神经电生理学技术,考察“也是”结构、“也+情态动词”结构和空宾结构这三种省略结构的加工机制,实验结果显示,“也+情态动词”结构与“也是”结构和空宾结构所诱发的N400成分和P600成分波幅存在差异,“也是”结构诱发的P600成分波幅大于空宾结构。本文认为,N400成分与省略位置的句法加工有关,P600可能与后期语义句法加工整合等操作有关。实验结果不支持空宾结构是动词短语省略结构的观点,并为“也是”结构属于IP省略结构的观点提供了证据。
The omission structure in the follow-up sentences of Chinese parallel sentences is one of the hot topics in academic circles. Especially for the question whether the empty-object structure belongs to the omission structure of the verb phrase, there has been a great debate in the academic circles. In this paper, we use the neuroelectrophysiology technology to examine the processing mechanism of the three omission structures of “also ” structure, “+ also modal verb ” structure and empty object structure. The experimental results show that “+ + modal verb There is a difference between the amplitude of N400 component and P600 component induced by ”also“ structure and empty bin structure, and the amplitude of P600 component induced by ”is “ structure is larger than that of empty bin structure. This paper argues that the N400 component is related to the syntactic processing of omitted positions, and P600 may be related to the operation of later semantic syntactic processing integration. The experimental results do not support the view that the empty-object structure is the verb-ellipsis structure, and provide evidence that the ”-does" structure belongs to the IP-omitted structure.