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50年过去了,人们从未见过这样的事:一个特殊利益阶层能够针对一份可能不利于其阶层利益的文件,公开发表反对言论;一部分市场化色彩相对浓厚的媒体不仅为持反对意见的阶层代表提供舆论阵地,还能为他们提供讨论批评红头文件的平台;反对派的意见和舆论干预的合力竟然最终影响了一份红头文件的走向。且不论反对者的理由是否充分,也不论红头文件本身是否有缺陷,这样的现象本身已足够我们激动。121文件就像一块试金石,它不仅测出了中国新富阶层影响社会舆论干预政府决策的能力,还测出了一个渐趋开放社会对反对意见的宽容。121文件的遭遇,还提醒政府,在公共选择的制度安排上,应该更多地靠近民主市场化社会的法则。
Fifty years have passed and no one has seen anything like this: a special interest class can make public objections to a document that may be detrimental to the interests of its class; some of the more market-oriented media are not only objectionable The representatives of the strata provided public opinion positions and provided them with a platform for discussing and criticizing the red tape. The combined opposition of Opinions and public opinion interference eventually affected the direction of a red tape. Whether the arguments of the opponents are sufficient or not and whether the red tape itself is flawed, such a phenomenon is enough for us to be excited. The document is like a touchstone. It not only measures the ability of the new rich people in China to influence the ability of the public opinion to intervene in government decision-making, but also measures the tolerance of an increasingly open society against objections. It also reminded the government that the arrangement of public choice should be closer to the laws of a democratic and market-oriented society.