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Abstract：Due to its remote and isolated location， as well as the poor natural environmental conditions， Tibetan areas in Sichuan face problems of economic backwardness and inadequate social development. Based upon the social stratification of occupations in pastoral areas， semiagricultural areas， and agricultural spaces， the application of the theories of social stratification and intergenerational transmission of poverty， together with a social survey in Tibetan areas of Sichuan， this paper explores the formation mechanisms for the intergenerational transmission of poverty.
Sichuan Tibetan areas are divided into urban and rural areas according to spatial stratification. The intergenerational transmission of poverty is found mainly in rural areas. The economic development， social development， and infrastructure， etc. in pastoral areas， agricultural areas， semiagricultural semipastoral areas have fallen far behind those in urban areas. This development gap creates large degrees of differences concerning the intergenerational transmission of poverty within the Tibetan areas.
Through a comparative analysis of per capita GDP and rural per capita net income in pastoral areas， agricultural areas and semiagricultural semipastoral areas of two prefectures in Sichuan Tibetan areas， we find that the economic development levels are quite different. Agricultural areas are better than semiagricultural and semipastoral areas， and semiagricultural and semipastoral areas are better than pastoral areas. The economic radiation function of the countyseats in Sichuan Tibetan areas is weak. Most of the rural areas are still selfsufficient and are more closed social environments， where the population hardly flows and social class is more solidified. Seen from the perspective of the social dimension， the backward economic development inevitably slows the progress of social development； social organization， social undertakings and social management are still backward. For instance， whether talking from either quantity or quality， education， health， employment， and social security in these areas are inadequate. This severely impacts local social development.
Due to the slow economic development， insufficient social development， and backward infrastructure， the public services， especially the quality of education， are very poor. As a result， the labor force in the region is generally poorly educated， and， hence， it is hard to upgrade industry， and improve labor productivity. Local peoples income is still low， the incidence of poverty is still high， and the intergenerational transmission of poverty is relatively serious. The natural environment， and the social and economic environment of farmers and herdsmen in the farming and pastoral areas of Sichuan Tibetan areas differ. In addition， the differences found among their families， children， life styles and neighborhoods are also the elements which make up the formation mechanisms of the intergenerational transmission of poverty. In addition to their engagement in agriculture， a large number of the surplus labor force among farmers in rural areas has transferred to nonagricultural industries. However， children of pastoral families repeat the lives of their parents after growing up. Peasant families in semiagricultural semipastoral areas continue to engage in both agriculture and animal husbandry. The selfimprovement abilities of children differ greatly among families in the agricultural areas， pastoral areas， and semifarming and semipastoral areas.
The family factor is the micro mechanism of the intergenerational transmission of poverty. A familys economic condition and parents idea of career choice determine the growth and survival status of their children. This is the direct factor of intergenerational transmission of poverty. When we conducted an investigation in October 2016， students from Batang County and Detong County of Ganzi Prefecture， who are studying at Southwest Minzu University， described the situation in agricultural areas， pastoral areas， and semifarming and semipastoral areas as follows：
Ganzi is divided into pastoral areas， agricultural areas and semiagricultural semipastoral areas. The gap between the rich and poor among the villages is very big. The villages near the county seat are relatively affluent， and the villages far from the county seat are relatively poor. The rural poverty rate is about 30%， and the poverty rate in pastoral areas is more than 60%. Pastoral areas are relatively poor； children do not go to school， but stay at home herding the animals.
Much of the primary education in Ganzi is of poor quality. The quality of junior high school education， found at the county level， is better. A senior high school is shared by several counties. The education quality for these schools is good， but the cost is high. Generally speaking， only students with both good family conditions and good grades are able to go to senior high school.
A sample survey of 30 Tibetan students （mostly from agricultural areas） from Aba and Ganzi prefectures of Sichuan Province indicates that their parents educational level is relatively low. More than 60% of fathers only finished primary school education. More than 80% of mothers finished primary school， but more than 10% of mothers are illiterate. Senior high school enrollment rate in Tibetan areas is 26 percentage points lower than the national average level.
In accordance with the formation mechanisms for the social stratification of the intergenerational transmission of poverty， and taking factors of family and children into considerations， we can reach the following conclusions： The formation mechanisms for the intergenerational transmission of poverty in agricultural areas is that most children in these areas will have the capability for selfimprovement due to the superiority of their familys economic conditions and geographical location. Only a small number of children， due to individual reasons or to reasons of family poverty， become poorer in the second generation and receive less education than their parents. It is in this way， the intergenerational transmission of poverty occurs.
The formation mechanisms for the intergenerational transmission of poverty in semiagricultural and semipastoral areas is that children lack skills for selfimprovement， as well as the skills needed to go outside for work due to poor family income， and poor education. Most of them repeat their parents way of life. Thus in this way the intergenerational transmission of poverty takes place.
The formation mechanism for the intergenerational transmission of poverty in pastoral areas is that because of their closed environment， children are less affected by the modern industrial economy； as a result， most of them lack survival skills other than animal husbandry. They are unable to leave the pastoral areas to survive. The low output of animal husbandry leads to low household income， and， as a result， the intergenerational transmission of poverty is very severe.
For rural households who need labor force， if they do not have higher income expectations， most of them choose to leave school after completing the years of compulsory education. This is in line with peoples choice of maximizing interests. Economic theories also demonstrate that the contribution of years of education to human capital has a diminishing marginal value. The equation of educational returns shows that the rate of return is the highest within compulsory education.
The external factors of poverty in the various regions belong to the meso formation mechanisms for the intergenerational transmission of poverty in Sichuan. The economic and social development of the counties in Tibetan areas of Sichuan is restricted by the factors of nature， science and technology， human resources， industry and management. Therefore， the incidence of poverty is high， and the intergenerational transmission of poverty is relatively serious.
Tibetan areas are part of Chinas ecoeconomic development zone. Because there is no industrial economy in the region， nonagricultural employment is extremely difficult. Due to the low quality of the labor force in Tibetan areas of Sichuan， agricultural and animal husbandry labor productivity is difficult to improve， which， in turn， causes developmental poverty and the intergenerational transmission of poverty. Combined with social stratification， the theory of intergenerational transmission of poverty， and the local social reality， this article proposes the following recommendations：
First， we need to strengthen the creation of the economic and social services in the pastoral areas， and improve the nonagricultural employment capacity of the labor force. Sparsely populated pastoral areas are the most vulnerable to the intergenerational transmission of poverty. So， we suggest： 1） Appropriately control population growth so as to reduce pressures on family resources and social resources which are caused by excessive population growth. 2） Ensure education， health care and other social services， and improve the service quality， especially the quality of primary and secondary education. Provide employment training for farmers and herdsmen； widely disseminate scientific knowledge and skills needed for production； and encourage new initiatives.
Second， we need to increase the investment and expenditure of farmers and herdsmen in education， medical care and new initiatives， and enhance their capacity for selfimprovement. We need to improve the added value of farming and animal husbandry products in Tibetan areas， and， through infrastructure construction， reduce the cost of transporting materials， thereby reducing the cost of living in Tibetan areas. This will help families have more surplus funds to invest in education and medical care for their children. Those measures will improve human capital and eliminate developmental poverty and interrupt the intergenerational transmission of poverty.
Third， we need to gradually remove those subjective and objective factors that hinder the social mobility of Tibetan areas， and expand both the regional and industrial scope of labor mobility. The special geographical environment and cultural traditions in Tibetan areas greatly restrictits social mobility. Specifically， 1） We need to improve transportation infrastructure and communications； 2） We should continuously carry on the “9 +3” free vocational and technical education， and expand the employment for the region and the scope of professions.
Fourth，we should attach importance to cultivating local talent in the Tibetan areas and rely on local talent to promote local social and economic development. Due to the alpine living environment， language barrier， and other factors in Tibetan areas， talent coming in from the outside is difficult to retain. Therefore， we must cultivate local talent and increase the stock of human capital. Key Words：social stratification； Sichuan Tibetan areas； intergenerational transmission of poverty； ethnic education
References：
Hu Lian， Sun Yongsheng.pinkun de xincheng jili yanjiu shuping （Reviews of Studies on the Formation Mechanism of Poverty）. In Green Economy， 2011 （11）.
Jing Tiankui， He Jian， Deng Wanchun， Gu Jintu.shikong shehuixue lilun yu fangfa （ The Theory and Method of Spatial Temporal Sociology）. Beijing：beijing shifan daxue chubanshe， 2012.
Liu Leilei， Li Wanming， Yang Qiang. Xinjiang bianjing diqu pinkun de xingcheng jili （The Formation Mechanisms of Poverty in Xinjiang Border Areas）. In Economic Research Guide， 2008 （17）.
Lu Yang， Cai Fang. Renkou jiegou bianhua dui qianzai zengzhanglv de yingxiang：zhongguo he riben de bijiao （The Influence of Population Structure Change on Potential Growth Rate： A Comparison between China and Japan ）. In The Journal of World Economy， 2014， （1） 329.
Meng Quansheng. Xibu nongcun pinkun xingcheng jili ji zhili duice yanjiu（ On the Formation Mechanisms and the Countermeasures of Rural Poverty in the West of China）. In Agricultural Research in the Arid Areas， 2007（1）.
Rawls， J. Zhengyi lun （ Theory of Justice ）. He Huaihong， He Baoguang， Liao Shenbai trans. Beijing： zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe， 2009.
sichuan nongcun nianjian 2014 （ Rural Yearbook of Sichuan 2014）. Chengdu： dianzi keji daxue chubanshe， 2014.
Sichuan tongji nianjian （Sichuan Statistical Yearbook 2014 ），Beijing： China Statistics Press， 2014.
Wang Yi. Nongcun pinkun daiji chuandi lian de xingcheng jizhi yanjiu（ A Study on the Formation Mechanisms of Intergenerational Transmission Chain of Rural Poverty）. In Academic Debate， 2013 （6）.
Xu Dengling.40% yishang nongmuhu pinkun， sichuan haiba zuigao de jige xian ruhe tuopin？ （ More than 40% of rural families are in poverty， how do counties at the highest elevation of Sichuan Province get out of poverty？ ）[EB/OL]http：//www.tibet.cn/news/focus/1462415599772.shtml，20160505.
Xu Junwu， Zhang Yue. zidai shou jiaoyu chengdu shi ruhe yinxiang daiji shouru liudongxing de？—jiyu zhongguo jiatin shouru diaocha de jingyan fenxi（ How does the degree of education of offspring affect intergenerational income mobility？ —An Empirical Analysis Based on Chinese Household Income ）. In Shanghai Economic Review. 2015（10）
Yang Awei. 2016 xizang nongmuqu pinkun daiji chuandi wenti yanjiu （ The Research of Intergenerational Transmission of Poverty Problem in Tibets Rural and Pastoral Areas in 2016）. In Journal of Tibet University （Social Sciences Edition）， 2016， （1）.
Zhang Yunping.zhongguo nongcun pinkun xingcheng jili de neiwai yinsu tanxi （An Analysis of the Internal and External Factors of the Formation Mechanisms of Rural Poverty in China）.In Shandong Social Sciences， 2011（8）.
Zhu Jianhua. Pinkun daiji chuandi guocheng zhong de jiaoyu fenxi （An Analysis of Educational Factors in the Intergenerational Transmission of Poverty）.In Research in Educational Development， 2016（3）.
zhongguo minzu tongji nianjian 2013 （Chinas Ethnic Statistical Yearbook 2013）. Beijing： zhongguo tongji chubanshe，2013.
zhongguo tongji nianjian 2014 （China Statistical Yearbook 2014）. http：//www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/ndsj/2014/indexch.htm.
Sichuan Tibetan areas are divided into urban and rural areas according to spatial stratification. The intergenerational transmission of poverty is found mainly in rural areas. The economic development， social development， and infrastructure， etc. in pastoral areas， agricultural areas， semiagricultural semipastoral areas have fallen far behind those in urban areas. This development gap creates large degrees of differences concerning the intergenerational transmission of poverty within the Tibetan areas.
Through a comparative analysis of per capita GDP and rural per capita net income in pastoral areas， agricultural areas and semiagricultural semipastoral areas of two prefectures in Sichuan Tibetan areas， we find that the economic development levels are quite different. Agricultural areas are better than semiagricultural and semipastoral areas， and semiagricultural and semipastoral areas are better than pastoral areas. The economic radiation function of the countyseats in Sichuan Tibetan areas is weak. Most of the rural areas are still selfsufficient and are more closed social environments， where the population hardly flows and social class is more solidified. Seen from the perspective of the social dimension， the backward economic development inevitably slows the progress of social development； social organization， social undertakings and social management are still backward. For instance， whether talking from either quantity or quality， education， health， employment， and social security in these areas are inadequate. This severely impacts local social development.
Due to the slow economic development， insufficient social development， and backward infrastructure， the public services， especially the quality of education， are very poor. As a result， the labor force in the region is generally poorly educated， and， hence， it is hard to upgrade industry， and improve labor productivity. Local peoples income is still low， the incidence of poverty is still high， and the intergenerational transmission of poverty is relatively serious. The natural environment， and the social and economic environment of farmers and herdsmen in the farming and pastoral areas of Sichuan Tibetan areas differ. In addition， the differences found among their families， children， life styles and neighborhoods are also the elements which make up the formation mechanisms of the intergenerational transmission of poverty. In addition to their engagement in agriculture， a large number of the surplus labor force among farmers in rural areas has transferred to nonagricultural industries. However， children of pastoral families repeat the lives of their parents after growing up. Peasant families in semiagricultural semipastoral areas continue to engage in both agriculture and animal husbandry. The selfimprovement abilities of children differ greatly among families in the agricultural areas， pastoral areas， and semifarming and semipastoral areas.
The family factor is the micro mechanism of the intergenerational transmission of poverty. A familys economic condition and parents idea of career choice determine the growth and survival status of their children. This is the direct factor of intergenerational transmission of poverty. When we conducted an investigation in October 2016， students from Batang County and Detong County of Ganzi Prefecture， who are studying at Southwest Minzu University， described the situation in agricultural areas， pastoral areas， and semifarming and semipastoral areas as follows：
Ganzi is divided into pastoral areas， agricultural areas and semiagricultural semipastoral areas. The gap between the rich and poor among the villages is very big. The villages near the county seat are relatively affluent， and the villages far from the county seat are relatively poor. The rural poverty rate is about 30%， and the poverty rate in pastoral areas is more than 60%. Pastoral areas are relatively poor； children do not go to school， but stay at home herding the animals.
Much of the primary education in Ganzi is of poor quality. The quality of junior high school education， found at the county level， is better. A senior high school is shared by several counties. The education quality for these schools is good， but the cost is high. Generally speaking， only students with both good family conditions and good grades are able to go to senior high school.
A sample survey of 30 Tibetan students （mostly from agricultural areas） from Aba and Ganzi prefectures of Sichuan Province indicates that their parents educational level is relatively low. More than 60% of fathers only finished primary school education. More than 80% of mothers finished primary school， but more than 10% of mothers are illiterate. Senior high school enrollment rate in Tibetan areas is 26 percentage points lower than the national average level.
In accordance with the formation mechanisms for the social stratification of the intergenerational transmission of poverty， and taking factors of family and children into considerations， we can reach the following conclusions： The formation mechanisms for the intergenerational transmission of poverty in agricultural areas is that most children in these areas will have the capability for selfimprovement due to the superiority of their familys economic conditions and geographical location. Only a small number of children， due to individual reasons or to reasons of family poverty， become poorer in the second generation and receive less education than their parents. It is in this way， the intergenerational transmission of poverty occurs.
The formation mechanisms for the intergenerational transmission of poverty in semiagricultural and semipastoral areas is that children lack skills for selfimprovement， as well as the skills needed to go outside for work due to poor family income， and poor education. Most of them repeat their parents way of life. Thus in this way the intergenerational transmission of poverty takes place.
The formation mechanism for the intergenerational transmission of poverty in pastoral areas is that because of their closed environment， children are less affected by the modern industrial economy； as a result， most of them lack survival skills other than animal husbandry. They are unable to leave the pastoral areas to survive. The low output of animal husbandry leads to low household income， and， as a result， the intergenerational transmission of poverty is very severe.
For rural households who need labor force， if they do not have higher income expectations， most of them choose to leave school after completing the years of compulsory education. This is in line with peoples choice of maximizing interests. Economic theories also demonstrate that the contribution of years of education to human capital has a diminishing marginal value. The equation of educational returns shows that the rate of return is the highest within compulsory education.
The external factors of poverty in the various regions belong to the meso formation mechanisms for the intergenerational transmission of poverty in Sichuan. The economic and social development of the counties in Tibetan areas of Sichuan is restricted by the factors of nature， science and technology， human resources， industry and management. Therefore， the incidence of poverty is high， and the intergenerational transmission of poverty is relatively serious.
Tibetan areas are part of Chinas ecoeconomic development zone. Because there is no industrial economy in the region， nonagricultural employment is extremely difficult. Due to the low quality of the labor force in Tibetan areas of Sichuan， agricultural and animal husbandry labor productivity is difficult to improve， which， in turn， causes developmental poverty and the intergenerational transmission of poverty. Combined with social stratification， the theory of intergenerational transmission of poverty， and the local social reality， this article proposes the following recommendations：
First， we need to strengthen the creation of the economic and social services in the pastoral areas， and improve the nonagricultural employment capacity of the labor force. Sparsely populated pastoral areas are the most vulnerable to the intergenerational transmission of poverty. So， we suggest： 1） Appropriately control population growth so as to reduce pressures on family resources and social resources which are caused by excessive population growth. 2） Ensure education， health care and other social services， and improve the service quality， especially the quality of primary and secondary education. Provide employment training for farmers and herdsmen； widely disseminate scientific knowledge and skills needed for production； and encourage new initiatives.
Second， we need to increase the investment and expenditure of farmers and herdsmen in education， medical care and new initiatives， and enhance their capacity for selfimprovement. We need to improve the added value of farming and animal husbandry products in Tibetan areas， and， through infrastructure construction， reduce the cost of transporting materials， thereby reducing the cost of living in Tibetan areas. This will help families have more surplus funds to invest in education and medical care for their children. Those measures will improve human capital and eliminate developmental poverty and interrupt the intergenerational transmission of poverty.
Third， we need to gradually remove those subjective and objective factors that hinder the social mobility of Tibetan areas， and expand both the regional and industrial scope of labor mobility. The special geographical environment and cultural traditions in Tibetan areas greatly restrictits social mobility. Specifically， 1） We need to improve transportation infrastructure and communications； 2） We should continuously carry on the “9 +3” free vocational and technical education， and expand the employment for the region and the scope of professions.
Fourth，we should attach importance to cultivating local talent in the Tibetan areas and rely on local talent to promote local social and economic development. Due to the alpine living environment， language barrier， and other factors in Tibetan areas， talent coming in from the outside is difficult to retain. Therefore， we must cultivate local talent and increase the stock of human capital. Key Words：social stratification； Sichuan Tibetan areas； intergenerational transmission of poverty； ethnic education
References：
Hu Lian， Sun Yongsheng.pinkun de xincheng jili yanjiu shuping （Reviews of Studies on the Formation Mechanism of Poverty）. In Green Economy， 2011 （11）.
Jing Tiankui， He Jian， Deng Wanchun， Gu Jintu.shikong shehuixue lilun yu fangfa （ The Theory and Method of Spatial Temporal Sociology）. Beijing：beijing shifan daxue chubanshe， 2012.
Liu Leilei， Li Wanming， Yang Qiang. Xinjiang bianjing diqu pinkun de xingcheng jili （The Formation Mechanisms of Poverty in Xinjiang Border Areas）. In Economic Research Guide， 2008 （17）.
Lu Yang， Cai Fang. Renkou jiegou bianhua dui qianzai zengzhanglv de yingxiang：zhongguo he riben de bijiao （The Influence of Population Structure Change on Potential Growth Rate： A Comparison between China and Japan ）. In The Journal of World Economy， 2014， （1） 329.
Meng Quansheng. Xibu nongcun pinkun xingcheng jili ji zhili duice yanjiu（ On the Formation Mechanisms and the Countermeasures of Rural Poverty in the West of China）. In Agricultural Research in the Arid Areas， 2007（1）.
Rawls， J. Zhengyi lun （ Theory of Justice ）. He Huaihong， He Baoguang， Liao Shenbai trans. Beijing： zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe， 2009.
sichuan nongcun nianjian 2014 （ Rural Yearbook of Sichuan 2014）. Chengdu： dianzi keji daxue chubanshe， 2014.
Sichuan tongji nianjian （Sichuan Statistical Yearbook 2014 ），Beijing： China Statistics Press， 2014.
Wang Yi. Nongcun pinkun daiji chuandi lian de xingcheng jizhi yanjiu（ A Study on the Formation Mechanisms of Intergenerational Transmission Chain of Rural Poverty）. In Academic Debate， 2013 （6）.
Xu Dengling.40% yishang nongmuhu pinkun， sichuan haiba zuigao de jige xian ruhe tuopin？ （ More than 40% of rural families are in poverty， how do counties at the highest elevation of Sichuan Province get out of poverty？ ）[EB/OL]http：//www.tibet.cn/news/focus/1462415599772.shtml，20160505.
Xu Junwu， Zhang Yue. zidai shou jiaoyu chengdu shi ruhe yinxiang daiji shouru liudongxing de？—jiyu zhongguo jiatin shouru diaocha de jingyan fenxi（ How does the degree of education of offspring affect intergenerational income mobility？ —An Empirical Analysis Based on Chinese Household Income ）. In Shanghai Economic Review. 2015（10）
Yang Awei. 2016 xizang nongmuqu pinkun daiji chuandi wenti yanjiu （ The Research of Intergenerational Transmission of Poverty Problem in Tibets Rural and Pastoral Areas in 2016）. In Journal of Tibet University （Social Sciences Edition）， 2016， （1）.
Zhang Yunping.zhongguo nongcun pinkun xingcheng jili de neiwai yinsu tanxi （An Analysis of the Internal and External Factors of the Formation Mechanisms of Rural Poverty in China）.In Shandong Social Sciences， 2011（8）.
Zhu Jianhua. Pinkun daiji chuandi guocheng zhong de jiaoyu fenxi （An Analysis of Educational Factors in the Intergenerational Transmission of Poverty）.In Research in Educational Development， 2016（3）.
zhongguo minzu tongji nianjian 2013 （Chinas Ethnic Statistical Yearbook 2013）. Beijing： zhongguo tongji chubanshe，2013.
zhongguo tongji nianjian 2014 （China Statistical Yearbook 2014）. http：//www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/ndsj/2014/indexch.htm.