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Abstract:Since the Ming and Qing dynasties, the Uygur Jian family clan in Taoyuan already appeared in various historical records. In the circles of historians of the new China, except for the research conducted by Jian Bozan, research relating to this family clan is mainly conducted by ethnic historians, and found in the local historical annals of Taoyuan county and Hami prefecture. However, ethnological circles have not given much attention to this field. In recent years, the decendents of the Ugyur Jian family clan, especially the nephew of Jian Bozan, have explored the origin of the Uygur Jian family clan. As a result, a million word genealogy of the Jian family clan has been compiled, and an exhibition of the “Former Residence of Jian Bozan” has been opened. However, anthropological circles have not yet paid much attention to this field. This does not fit the situation of the growing number of Uygur people with Han Chinese names, including Jian, in the hinterland (Yunnan, Guizhou, Jiangxi, and Henan). Hence, it should be of concern.
The Uygur Jian family clan in Taoyuan are the decendents of General Hale(哈勒) of the Gaochang Kingdom in the western regions. The ancestors of General Hale were an influential Uygur clan in the western regions belonging to the Hami people of the Gaochang kingdom. Their later generations inherited official positions in the Yuan dynasty. In the middle of the fourteenth century, the Ming dynasty replaced the Yuan, and Zhu Yuanzhang, the first emperor of the Ming, continued to use some of the officials from the Yuan court. In 1368, Hale?Bashi (哈勒?八十), Xu da, Lan Yu, Chan Yuchun, Mu Ying and others, showed their loyalty to Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang. In 1371, Hale?Bashi was ordered by Zhu Yuanzhang to sweep through Hubei and Hunan, and he was victorious. Hence, Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang granted Hale?Bashi the surname “Jian” (翦, meaning “rooting out” ) as a way of praising his merits and achievement on “rooting out” the enemies. The emperor also changed his name from “八十”(Bashi，the word “shi” here means “ten”) to “八士” (Bashi, the word “shi” here means “warrior”). In 1388, Zhu Yuanzhang sent Mu Ying, Jian Bashi and his son named Baizhu to attack Yunnan and Guizhou. Jian Bashi and his son both lost their lives in the battle, and were buried at the Huanglonggang slope of Changde.
In the Qing dynasty, Jian Shansheng, a descendent of the Jian family clan, compiled the Jian clans “song of generations” in order that the descendents of Jian Bashi could be given names in accordance with this clans “song of generations”. Jian Kuiwu, the father of Jian Bozan, belonged to the generation of “Wan” (万). Therefore, he was named “Wanxiao”, and was the 20th generation descendent of Jian Bashi. The name of Jian Bozans generation was “Xiang”（象）， and he was the 21st generation descendent of Jian Bashi . The Uygur Jian family clan have been officials for more than ten generations since Hale, their ancestor,who held the position of dudu (都督or the area commander) of the Gaochang kingdom. From the generation of Jian Bashi to the present, the clan has lasted for 28 generations.
All the prefaces of the jianshi zuzhi(The History of Jian Family Clan), from the first edition to the fourth edition , record that the surname Jian was granted by the first emperor of the Ming dynasty. Only the huibu shixi yuanliu(On the Origin of Lineages in Huibu), recorded in the fourth edition of the jianshi zuzhi, notes that the surname was granted by the Yuan emperor. In addition, in the “changdewei zhihuishi”(the commanders of Changde Guard), which was recorded in the huibu shixi yuanliu(On the Origin of Lineage in Huibu), it notes that there was no surname Jian in changdu fuzhi(Gazetteer of Changdu) which was compiled in both the Jiajing period of the Ming dynasty and Kangxi period of the Qing dynasty.Have false conclusions been drawn?
The above description reflects that the clan identified with the political orthodoxy, no matter if they were in the capital or in local or remote areas; no matter if it was the Yuan or the Ming dynasty; no matter if they were pacifying or guarding Hubei and Hunan, or Yunnan and Guizhou. This is the main lineage for recording the family clans history. For more than ten generations since Hale, the Jian family clan had received different official titles, and their ancestors generation, assumed the position of the commander of Gaochang area. The Jian clans in various areas all identified themselves with the Jian clan in Taoyuan.
Meanwhile, the lineage of Jian Changpu, descended from the first son of Baizhu, migrated back to their homeland, i.e. the western region. At present, the descendants of the second son trace their origin back to their Uygur ancestor in the borderlands. In the Wanli period of the Ming dynasty, some Uygur in Taoyuan tried to migrate back to the western region, but became stuck in Henan. Their descendants still live in the surrounding counties and towns of Yinjiatang, Changge city, and their history in this area already spans more than 300 years. Some clansman of Jian Bashi settled in Yunnan and Guizhou from the time when Jian and his son campaigned in the area. Now the descendants of these clansmen, as well as the Jian family clan in Tengchong, have gone to Xinjiang to trace their roots and apply for legal recognition of their ethnic identity. This indicates that ethnic identity and political historical identity co-exist.
In addition, there are Uygur people with the surname Liu living in Shengchi county of Henan province. In 1953 when Shengchi County built a train station, the ancestral burial of the Liu family had to be moved. Three stone tablets were discovered among the burials. According to the inscriptions on the tablets, the Liu family clan was originally Uygur from the western region. The older generation normally knew of their Uygur background, but they were not sure about their specific origins, and, they also did not want to tell this to the next generation. It was said that from the time when the 13th generation of the Liu family clan settled down in Beiyuchi Village - about 400 years ago - the clan had developed to the 32nd generation. There are now 540 members. Five hundred eighty years have passed from the first generation of the Liu family clan to the present. However, it has only been 54 years since they have known their original ethnicity. The fact that more than a thousand Uygur people living in Shengchi of Luoyang have maintained the belief of their ethnic origin as well as their ethnic identity throughout the Sui, Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties questions Wang Mingkes conclusion that ethnic historical memory has a selected feature on beneficial resource. Chinas east-west anthropological zone has taken Han Chinese society, ethnic groups, and ethno-history as the main research objects since the formation of the northern and southern schools. This conforms exactly with the situation that Chinas traditional administration was based on the core circle and peripheral circles which were formed from the distribution framework of ethnicity, one which takes the Han Chinese area in the middle east as the center.Alternatively, the scholars research zone was simply in accordance with the official administrative structure and “orthodox history” . It seems that the “Han Chinese” needed the periphery of “heterogenity” and did not completely rely on its internal cultural consistency in order to maintain the boundary of its identity. “Ethnic history” became a tool of ideology. Wang Mingke states that the ancient Chinese used this to define the people on the periphery of the Huaxia (an ancient name for China), either excluding them from Huaxia or including them in China. The “other ethnicity”, i.e. those who migrated to the hinterland, or who were in an ethnic relationships, often accepted or searched for a “Huaxia” ancestor in the historical memory of the Huaxia. In doing so they sought to rationalize their Huaxia identity, or cast away their own ethnic identity by way of “losing memory” of the identity, an identity which might not be advantageous for them.
However, I believe that within the core circle and the periphery circle, the indigenous people and local ethnic groups have composed their own core circle of local power, one which usually fits with the history of their ethnicity. When the ethnic cultural beliefs are similar with that of the loyal court, then the spatial distance or relationship between the two sides is very close, otherwise they go in opposite directions. While studies of the periphery admit that the importance of cultural homogeny and similarity which resulted from the cultural transmission, contact and fusion, the significance of looking at the center from the periphery should be noted, and modern administrative edge should be avoided.
The center could either exist side by side; or exist discretely or oppositely. The center could be decomposed or deconstructed and presented as scattered centers; meanwhile, the center could be on the top or on the bottom; the center could move, transfer or change.
When the power of the center guides the main bodies in the periphery, the social politics identify with the stronger side. However, when the historic feeling of ethnicity becomes powerful, the periphery becomes the center, and the political position will be identified with the ethnicity, and be carried on through consciousness of the blood clan. Thus, the center moves to the periphery. Hence, regarding to the relationship between the periphery and the center, there is a kind of ethnic-social bidirectional propagation. When social politics are strong, the ethnicity in the periphery is attributed to the center. Otherwise, the center is attributed to the periphery. It is true that when ethnicity and the political ruler and loyalty to the court are combined together, it loses reversibility and bidirectional propagation. Hence, a decentralized system is the basis for the bidiretional effect of top-bottom, center-border institution.
Key Words: Han area; Uygur; The Jian family clan; ethnic identity; periphery-center
References:
Jian Bozan.zhongguo shigang( History of China),Shanghai: shanghai shenghuo shudian,1945.
Jian Bozan. jianbozan quanji (A Collected Works by Jian Bozan[Vol.1]),Shijiazhuang: hebei jiaoyu chubanshe,2008.
Wang Mingke.huaxia bianyuan-lishi jiyi yu zuqun rentong(Huaxia Edge: Historical Memory and Ethnic Identity),Taibei: Taipei c Yunchen Culture Industry co., LTD,1997.
Zhang Xushan. hamidiqu minzu zongjiao zhi(History of Ethnic Religion in Hami Area). Hami Ethnic Religious Affair Office,1994.
Zhou Hong. weigongcun yanjiu (A Study on Weigong Village), Beijing: zhongguo shehui chubanshe,2009.
The Uygur Jian family clan in Taoyuan are the decendents of General Hale(哈勒) of the Gaochang Kingdom in the western regions. The ancestors of General Hale were an influential Uygur clan in the western regions belonging to the Hami people of the Gaochang kingdom. Their later generations inherited official positions in the Yuan dynasty. In the middle of the fourteenth century, the Ming dynasty replaced the Yuan, and Zhu Yuanzhang, the first emperor of the Ming, continued to use some of the officials from the Yuan court. In 1368, Hale?Bashi (哈勒?八十), Xu da, Lan Yu, Chan Yuchun, Mu Ying and others, showed their loyalty to Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang. In 1371, Hale?Bashi was ordered by Zhu Yuanzhang to sweep through Hubei and Hunan, and he was victorious. Hence, Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang granted Hale?Bashi the surname “Jian” (翦, meaning “rooting out” ) as a way of praising his merits and achievement on “rooting out” the enemies. The emperor also changed his name from “八十”(Bashi，the word “shi” here means “ten”) to “八士” (Bashi, the word “shi” here means “warrior”). In 1388, Zhu Yuanzhang sent Mu Ying, Jian Bashi and his son named Baizhu to attack Yunnan and Guizhou. Jian Bashi and his son both lost their lives in the battle, and were buried at the Huanglonggang slope of Changde.
In the Qing dynasty, Jian Shansheng, a descendent of the Jian family clan, compiled the Jian clans “song of generations” in order that the descendents of Jian Bashi could be given names in accordance with this clans “song of generations”. Jian Kuiwu, the father of Jian Bozan, belonged to the generation of “Wan” (万). Therefore, he was named “Wanxiao”, and was the 20th generation descendent of Jian Bashi. The name of Jian Bozans generation was “Xiang”（象）， and he was the 21st generation descendent of Jian Bashi . The Uygur Jian family clan have been officials for more than ten generations since Hale, their ancestor,who held the position of dudu (都督or the area commander) of the Gaochang kingdom. From the generation of Jian Bashi to the present, the clan has lasted for 28 generations.
All the prefaces of the jianshi zuzhi(The History of Jian Family Clan), from the first edition to the fourth edition , record that the surname Jian was granted by the first emperor of the Ming dynasty. Only the huibu shixi yuanliu(On the Origin of Lineages in Huibu), recorded in the fourth edition of the jianshi zuzhi, notes that the surname was granted by the Yuan emperor. In addition, in the “changdewei zhihuishi”(the commanders of Changde Guard), which was recorded in the huibu shixi yuanliu(On the Origin of Lineage in Huibu), it notes that there was no surname Jian in changdu fuzhi(Gazetteer of Changdu) which was compiled in both the Jiajing period of the Ming dynasty and Kangxi period of the Qing dynasty.Have false conclusions been drawn?
The above description reflects that the clan identified with the political orthodoxy, no matter if they were in the capital or in local or remote areas; no matter if it was the Yuan or the Ming dynasty; no matter if they were pacifying or guarding Hubei and Hunan, or Yunnan and Guizhou. This is the main lineage for recording the family clans history. For more than ten generations since Hale, the Jian family clan had received different official titles, and their ancestors generation, assumed the position of the commander of Gaochang area. The Jian clans in various areas all identified themselves with the Jian clan in Taoyuan.
Meanwhile, the lineage of Jian Changpu, descended from the first son of Baizhu, migrated back to their homeland, i.e. the western region. At present, the descendants of the second son trace their origin back to their Uygur ancestor in the borderlands. In the Wanli period of the Ming dynasty, some Uygur in Taoyuan tried to migrate back to the western region, but became stuck in Henan. Their descendants still live in the surrounding counties and towns of Yinjiatang, Changge city, and their history in this area already spans more than 300 years. Some clansman of Jian Bashi settled in Yunnan and Guizhou from the time when Jian and his son campaigned in the area. Now the descendants of these clansmen, as well as the Jian family clan in Tengchong, have gone to Xinjiang to trace their roots and apply for legal recognition of their ethnic identity. This indicates that ethnic identity and political historical identity co-exist.
In addition, there are Uygur people with the surname Liu living in Shengchi county of Henan province. In 1953 when Shengchi County built a train station, the ancestral burial of the Liu family had to be moved. Three stone tablets were discovered among the burials. According to the inscriptions on the tablets, the Liu family clan was originally Uygur from the western region. The older generation normally knew of their Uygur background, but they were not sure about their specific origins, and, they also did not want to tell this to the next generation. It was said that from the time when the 13th generation of the Liu family clan settled down in Beiyuchi Village - about 400 years ago - the clan had developed to the 32nd generation. There are now 540 members. Five hundred eighty years have passed from the first generation of the Liu family clan to the present. However, it has only been 54 years since they have known their original ethnicity. The fact that more than a thousand Uygur people living in Shengchi of Luoyang have maintained the belief of their ethnic origin as well as their ethnic identity throughout the Sui, Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties questions Wang Mingkes conclusion that ethnic historical memory has a selected feature on beneficial resource. Chinas east-west anthropological zone has taken Han Chinese society, ethnic groups, and ethno-history as the main research objects since the formation of the northern and southern schools. This conforms exactly with the situation that Chinas traditional administration was based on the core circle and peripheral circles which were formed from the distribution framework of ethnicity, one which takes the Han Chinese area in the middle east as the center.Alternatively, the scholars research zone was simply in accordance with the official administrative structure and “orthodox history” . It seems that the “Han Chinese” needed the periphery of “heterogenity” and did not completely rely on its internal cultural consistency in order to maintain the boundary of its identity. “Ethnic history” became a tool of ideology. Wang Mingke states that the ancient Chinese used this to define the people on the periphery of the Huaxia (an ancient name for China), either excluding them from Huaxia or including them in China. The “other ethnicity”, i.e. those who migrated to the hinterland, or who were in an ethnic relationships, often accepted or searched for a “Huaxia” ancestor in the historical memory of the Huaxia. In doing so they sought to rationalize their Huaxia identity, or cast away their own ethnic identity by way of “losing memory” of the identity, an identity which might not be advantageous for them.
However, I believe that within the core circle and the periphery circle, the indigenous people and local ethnic groups have composed their own core circle of local power, one which usually fits with the history of their ethnicity. When the ethnic cultural beliefs are similar with that of the loyal court, then the spatial distance or relationship between the two sides is very close, otherwise they go in opposite directions. While studies of the periphery admit that the importance of cultural homogeny and similarity which resulted from the cultural transmission, contact and fusion, the significance of looking at the center from the periphery should be noted, and modern administrative edge should be avoided.
The center could either exist side by side; or exist discretely or oppositely. The center could be decomposed or deconstructed and presented as scattered centers; meanwhile, the center could be on the top or on the bottom; the center could move, transfer or change.
When the power of the center guides the main bodies in the periphery, the social politics identify with the stronger side. However, when the historic feeling of ethnicity becomes powerful, the periphery becomes the center, and the political position will be identified with the ethnicity, and be carried on through consciousness of the blood clan. Thus, the center moves to the periphery. Hence, regarding to the relationship between the periphery and the center, there is a kind of ethnic-social bidirectional propagation. When social politics are strong, the ethnicity in the periphery is attributed to the center. Otherwise, the center is attributed to the periphery. It is true that when ethnicity and the political ruler and loyalty to the court are combined together, it loses reversibility and bidirectional propagation. Hence, a decentralized system is the basis for the bidiretional effect of top-bottom, center-border institution.
Key Words: Han area; Uygur; The Jian family clan; ethnic identity; periphery-center
References:
Jian Bozan.zhongguo shigang( History of China),Shanghai: shanghai shenghuo shudian,1945.
Jian Bozan. jianbozan quanji (A Collected Works by Jian Bozan[Vol.1]),Shijiazhuang: hebei jiaoyu chubanshe,2008.
Wang Mingke.huaxia bianyuan-lishi jiyi yu zuqun rentong(Huaxia Edge: Historical Memory and Ethnic Identity),Taibei: Taipei c Yunchen Culture Industry co., LTD,1997.
Zhang Xushan. hamidiqu minzu zongjiao zhi(History of Ethnic Religion in Hami Area). Hami Ethnic Religious Affair Office,1994.
Zhou Hong. weigongcun yanjiu (A Study on Weigong Village), Beijing: zhongguo shehui chubanshe,2009.