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Is China a world power second only to the United States？ On September 12， when delivering a speech at the Research Institute of Tsinghua University in Shenzhen， former Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing gave an humorous answer when he said， “Only a fool would believe that China and the United States should co-lead the world under some sort of a‘G2’ arrangement.” He explained that Chinese people can feel proud as China grows stronger but should not become arrogant.
Li has been retired for several years， but his frank words still express the mainstream views of current Chinese leadership and governmentrun academic circles over China’s international position. As early as May 2009， when then Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao attended the 11th China-EU Summit in the Czech capital of Prague， he declared openly that China disagrees with the “G2” idea， stating that it is wrong to claim that China and the United States should co-lead the world.
Chinese authorities have repeatedly denied the concept of “G2” and similar views that were first raised by U.S. scholars and politicians including Director of the Peterson Institute for International Economics Fred Bergsten， Harvard University professor Niall Ferguson as well as former U.S. National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski.
Domestic strategy
After decades of blistering growth since China initiated reform and opening-up policies in the late 1970s， the country has achieved great success in many fields. It has become a main-stream international consensus that China has become one of the major powers in the world. However， the views of “G2” or “co-leading the world” are neither consistent with China’s domestic reality nor with China’s independent foreign policy of peace.
China’s strategic outlook stresses selfknowledge， with an eye for objective and comprehensive understanding of history before making decisions about the future. Few countries in the world are as keen as China to discuss， declare and clarify their international positioning. As China undergoes changes much faster than others， it must focus on the present and look to the future when making domestic and foreign policies.
The Chinese per-capita GDP still ranks below 80 globally， with more than 100 million people still living on less than a dollar a day. China also faces severe problems such as ecological deterioration as well as social unrest. In the meantime， it has not realized national reunification and still faces threats of separatism. The country is far behind developed nations and even some developing nations in terms of soft power， as it carries little influence over international public opinion. A basic consensus within China is that the country should keep a clear mind about its fundamental national condition and focus on its domestic affairs. It should put the transformation of its economic growth pattern as the first priority， focusing on the quality of growth rather than the quantity. China should avoid falling victim to the dreaded middle-income trap or becoming self-inflated by its achievements and competing for spheres of influence worldwide. The priority of China’s foreign policy should be on resolving various problems affecting its sustainable development and protecting its growing legitimate rights and interests in the world.
The Chinese Government also believes that the “G2” concept does not imply that Washington sincerely wishes to share power with China， but rather seeks to regulate it through an established arrangement. The fundamental purpose of the concept is to serve the unipolar world dominated by the United States. If China accepts， it will be against the promises of Chinese leaders to never seek hegemony or become a superpower. It will be also against the multipolar world and democratic international relations that China advocates. “China threat” rhetoric would be much more widely accepted and trust and support from neighboring countries， developing countries and emerging economies to China will also be weakened. Finally， China would be mired in vicious competition between big powers.
Foreign policies
The 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China （CPC） held in November 2012 reiterated that China is still in the primary stage of socialism and will remain so well into the future. It was emphasized in the congress that China’s international status as the largest developing country in the world has not changed.
After Xi Jinping took over as general secretary of the CPC Central Committee， he said at a group study session with members of the CPC Central Committee Political Bureau that since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949， the country has put forward the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence； established and carried out an independent foreign policy of peace； made a solemn commitment to never seek hegemony and expansion； and emphasized that it will always remain a staunch force in safeguarding world peace. He stressed that China will unswervingly adhere to these principles， policies and commitments.
In a speech delivered on September 7 at Nazarbayev University in Astana， Kazakhstan， Xi elaborated on China’s Central Asia policy. He emphasized that China will never interfere in the internal affairs of Central Asian nations， seek a dominant role in regional affairs， nor try to nurture a sphere of influence. The new Chinese leadership has also pursued building a new type of relationship between major countries when handling issues with the United States. The concept was accepted by Washington and has become the principal axis of Sino-U.S. relationship in the new era. The core of the concept aims to handle properly the strategic relationship between the biggest and fast rising developing country and the world’s only superpower. It will help the two countries build a mutually beneficial cooperation framework， prevent misjudgment and avoid confrontation. It is starkly different from dividing world power or co-leading the world.
On September 20， Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi delivered a speech at the Washington-based think tank Brookings Institution， during his first U.S. trip after assuming his post in March. Wang shared his thoughts on the way toward a new type of major-country relationship between China and the United States. He said， “Winwin progress is only possible when both countries are committed to cooperation. Moreover， such a win-win outcome should not just be beneficial to China and the United States—it should also be beneficial to all countries of the world.” He went on to say， “China is prepared to engage in comprehensive cooperation with the United States at regional and global levels. What we seek is not the so-called ‘G2，’ but each complementing the other with its respective advantages. China is ready to shoulder international responsibilities commensurate with its national strength and realities， and together with the United States， offer more quality public goods for the global community.”
China’s explicit rejection of the “world’s second power” laureate and the “G2” is not an attempt to cover up an aspiration of being a world power. Rather， it holds a rational understanding of its own path of development and adheres persistently to its own strategic culture. The new leadership shows resolution in realizing the Chinese Dream， the core of which is to build China into a prosperous and strong country.
Shortly after China overtook Japan as the world’s second largest economy， the government-backed Chinese Academy of Social Sciences released a blue book at the end of 2010， which said that China is set to become one of the top five G20 countries by 2020； and by 2050， it will be the world’s second most competitive country only after the United States.
Changes in the international system not only manifest as the rise and fall of economic strength and power status， but also show up as the changes of dominant institutional models， values， principles and norms.
Since modern times， China has never been so close to world power status， and is already playing the role of de facto power in more and more fields. Meanwhile， China has also been pushed to the cusp of increasing international contradictions. In the next decade， China’s position in the world will undergo fundamental changes. In the process of becoming a world power， it must confront several issues： How to meet the needs and safeguard the interests of China’s own development； to what extent it must shoulder international responsibilities in line with its national strength and realities； and how to stay on the path of peaceful development while promoting the peaceful development of the world.
（The author is an op-ed contributor to Beijing Review）
Li has been retired for several years， but his frank words still express the mainstream views of current Chinese leadership and governmentrun academic circles over China’s international position. As early as May 2009， when then Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao attended the 11th China-EU Summit in the Czech capital of Prague， he declared openly that China disagrees with the “G2” idea， stating that it is wrong to claim that China and the United States should co-lead the world.
Chinese authorities have repeatedly denied the concept of “G2” and similar views that were first raised by U.S. scholars and politicians including Director of the Peterson Institute for International Economics Fred Bergsten， Harvard University professor Niall Ferguson as well as former U.S. National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski.
Domestic strategy
After decades of blistering growth since China initiated reform and opening-up policies in the late 1970s， the country has achieved great success in many fields. It has become a main-stream international consensus that China has become one of the major powers in the world. However， the views of “G2” or “co-leading the world” are neither consistent with China’s domestic reality nor with China’s independent foreign policy of peace.
China’s strategic outlook stresses selfknowledge， with an eye for objective and comprehensive understanding of history before making decisions about the future. Few countries in the world are as keen as China to discuss， declare and clarify their international positioning. As China undergoes changes much faster than others， it must focus on the present and look to the future when making domestic and foreign policies.
The Chinese per-capita GDP still ranks below 80 globally， with more than 100 million people still living on less than a dollar a day. China also faces severe problems such as ecological deterioration as well as social unrest. In the meantime， it has not realized national reunification and still faces threats of separatism. The country is far behind developed nations and even some developing nations in terms of soft power， as it carries little influence over international public opinion. A basic consensus within China is that the country should keep a clear mind about its fundamental national condition and focus on its domestic affairs. It should put the transformation of its economic growth pattern as the first priority， focusing on the quality of growth rather than the quantity. China should avoid falling victim to the dreaded middle-income trap or becoming self-inflated by its achievements and competing for spheres of influence worldwide. The priority of China’s foreign policy should be on resolving various problems affecting its sustainable development and protecting its growing legitimate rights and interests in the world.
The Chinese Government also believes that the “G2” concept does not imply that Washington sincerely wishes to share power with China， but rather seeks to regulate it through an established arrangement. The fundamental purpose of the concept is to serve the unipolar world dominated by the United States. If China accepts， it will be against the promises of Chinese leaders to never seek hegemony or become a superpower. It will be also against the multipolar world and democratic international relations that China advocates. “China threat” rhetoric would be much more widely accepted and trust and support from neighboring countries， developing countries and emerging economies to China will also be weakened. Finally， China would be mired in vicious competition between big powers.
Foreign policies
The 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China （CPC） held in November 2012 reiterated that China is still in the primary stage of socialism and will remain so well into the future. It was emphasized in the congress that China’s international status as the largest developing country in the world has not changed.
After Xi Jinping took over as general secretary of the CPC Central Committee， he said at a group study session with members of the CPC Central Committee Political Bureau that since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949， the country has put forward the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence； established and carried out an independent foreign policy of peace； made a solemn commitment to never seek hegemony and expansion； and emphasized that it will always remain a staunch force in safeguarding world peace. He stressed that China will unswervingly adhere to these principles， policies and commitments.
In a speech delivered on September 7 at Nazarbayev University in Astana， Kazakhstan， Xi elaborated on China’s Central Asia policy. He emphasized that China will never interfere in the internal affairs of Central Asian nations， seek a dominant role in regional affairs， nor try to nurture a sphere of influence. The new Chinese leadership has also pursued building a new type of relationship between major countries when handling issues with the United States. The concept was accepted by Washington and has become the principal axis of Sino-U.S. relationship in the new era. The core of the concept aims to handle properly the strategic relationship between the biggest and fast rising developing country and the world’s only superpower. It will help the two countries build a mutually beneficial cooperation framework， prevent misjudgment and avoid confrontation. It is starkly different from dividing world power or co-leading the world.
On September 20， Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi delivered a speech at the Washington-based think tank Brookings Institution， during his first U.S. trip after assuming his post in March. Wang shared his thoughts on the way toward a new type of major-country relationship between China and the United States. He said， “Winwin progress is only possible when both countries are committed to cooperation. Moreover， such a win-win outcome should not just be beneficial to China and the United States—it should also be beneficial to all countries of the world.” He went on to say， “China is prepared to engage in comprehensive cooperation with the United States at regional and global levels. What we seek is not the so-called ‘G2，’ but each complementing the other with its respective advantages. China is ready to shoulder international responsibilities commensurate with its national strength and realities， and together with the United States， offer more quality public goods for the global community.”
China’s explicit rejection of the “world’s second power” laureate and the “G2” is not an attempt to cover up an aspiration of being a world power. Rather， it holds a rational understanding of its own path of development and adheres persistently to its own strategic culture. The new leadership shows resolution in realizing the Chinese Dream， the core of which is to build China into a prosperous and strong country.
Shortly after China overtook Japan as the world’s second largest economy， the government-backed Chinese Academy of Social Sciences released a blue book at the end of 2010， which said that China is set to become one of the top five G20 countries by 2020； and by 2050， it will be the world’s second most competitive country only after the United States.
Changes in the international system not only manifest as the rise and fall of economic strength and power status， but also show up as the changes of dominant institutional models， values， principles and norms.
Since modern times， China has never been so close to world power status， and is already playing the role of de facto power in more and more fields. Meanwhile， China has also been pushed to the cusp of increasing international contradictions. In the next decade， China’s position in the world will undergo fundamental changes. In the process of becoming a world power， it must confront several issues： How to meet the needs and safeguard the interests of China’s own development； to what extent it must shoulder international responsibilities in line with its national strength and realities； and how to stay on the path of peaceful development while promoting the peaceful development of the world.
（The author is an op-ed contributor to Beijing Review）