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Egypt is a river of tension in the wake of the anti-President Morsi
demonstrators demanding his removal for abuse of power， leading to the army ousting the country’s first democratically elected president in a July 3 military coup. The preceding violent days in early August saw Islamist President Morsi’s supporters clashing with the country’s police force in ongoing clashes that have already seen more than 1，000 lives lost， most of them Islamists and their supporters. The court decision to release former President Hosni Mubarak from prison may also inflame public anger.
On the heels of the crackdown on protesters against the democratically elected Islamist-led government， a month-long state of emergency was declared in the country’s major cities， however the dusk-till-dawn curfew has largely been ignored by the demonstrators. The return of the military to the political arena brings a sense of deja vu for Egyptians， who have been down this road before.
The current state of affairs had been 12 months in the making – with Morsi’s government accused of political and economic mismanagement since being voted into power. The result was the uniting of a broad based coalition opposition along with the alienation of supporters， suicide in the dark waters of politics. Clearly the Egyptian military cannot operate as the bridge for democratic transition， as it has a deep embedded persona of safeguarding privilege more than being a protector of the democratic process. Perhaps understanding this the army has already promised an early presidential election in a transition plan it has mapped out after Morsi’s ouster， but whether the military sees the Muslim Brotherhood involved in the country’s future political framework is debatable.
Of deep concern is that a ban of the Muslim Brotherhood for use of violence could see the group once more going underground， which may increase the turmoil in the largest Arab nation that controls the strategically vital Suez Canal and has a peace treaty with Israel. Egypt’s conflict also impacts heavily on aid， tourists and loans the country receives from the EU and the $1.3 billion in annual military aid from the United States. Interestingly Saudi Arabia has said it will take up the aid vacuum created should the United States cut its military aid.
The killing of protesters became the newest signal that Egypt is tumbling into uncharted territory. With neither the pro nor anti-Morsi supporters willing to back down， there appears to be no political solution in the immediate future for Egyptians. What is needed to bring about this political solution for the enflamed country is reconciliation between all the role players to heal the many years of mistrust and resentment. Whoever leads Egypt into the future must be strong enough to make this reconciliation a priority.
THE EDITOR
demonstrators demanding his removal for abuse of power， leading to the army ousting the country’s first democratically elected president in a July 3 military coup. The preceding violent days in early August saw Islamist President Morsi’s supporters clashing with the country’s police force in ongoing clashes that have already seen more than 1，000 lives lost， most of them Islamists and their supporters. The court decision to release former President Hosni Mubarak from prison may also inflame public anger.
On the heels of the crackdown on protesters against the democratically elected Islamist-led government， a month-long state of emergency was declared in the country’s major cities， however the dusk-till-dawn curfew has largely been ignored by the demonstrators. The return of the military to the political arena brings a sense of deja vu for Egyptians， who have been down this road before.
The current state of affairs had been 12 months in the making – with Morsi’s government accused of political and economic mismanagement since being voted into power. The result was the uniting of a broad based coalition opposition along with the alienation of supporters， suicide in the dark waters of politics. Clearly the Egyptian military cannot operate as the bridge for democratic transition， as it has a deep embedded persona of safeguarding privilege more than being a protector of the democratic process. Perhaps understanding this the army has already promised an early presidential election in a transition plan it has mapped out after Morsi’s ouster， but whether the military sees the Muslim Brotherhood involved in the country’s future political framework is debatable.
Of deep concern is that a ban of the Muslim Brotherhood for use of violence could see the group once more going underground， which may increase the turmoil in the largest Arab nation that controls the strategically vital Suez Canal and has a peace treaty with Israel. Egypt’s conflict also impacts heavily on aid， tourists and loans the country receives from the EU and the $1.3 billion in annual military aid from the United States. Interestingly Saudi Arabia has said it will take up the aid vacuum created should the United States cut its military aid.
The killing of protesters became the newest signal that Egypt is tumbling into uncharted territory. With neither the pro nor anti-Morsi supporters willing to back down， there appears to be no political solution in the immediate future for Egyptians. What is needed to bring about this political solution for the enflamed country is reconciliation between all the role players to heal the many years of mistrust and resentment. Whoever leads Egypt into the future must be strong enough to make this reconciliation a priority.
THE EDITOR