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民初宪政呈现四种光谱:君宪派崇保守;孙文革命派崇急进;袁世凯执政派崇威权;宋教仁、汤化龙等法政人物崇稳健。保守主义强调向后看,但这种向后看,实为一种激进。保守主义的误区,是过于迷信权威,认定只有皇帝的权威和君主立宪的方式,能够维系秩序稳定。急进主义的误区,是过于迷信破坏,辛亥革命的成功,让他们以为不断破坏就能达到目的。威权主义则太过崇尚秩序。为了捍卫秩序,袁世凯已经与他在清末孜孜以求的立宪越行越远。如果秩序成为了解散国民党和议会的理由,则此背离宪法和自由的秩序,已经异化为威权主义的高压状态。稳健的声音相对微弱,当各派各执己见,忽略共识,以偏见推政见,高扬宪法之名,而并不重视宪法之时,稳健派们,大皆书生,拥有的只不过是珍视宪法价值的“书生之见”。但其柔性与刚性的结合,其对激进与威权说不的中间路线,成为史上值得汲取的宪政智慧。
The constitutional government in early Republic of China showed four kinds of spectrum: Junxian worship conservative; Sun revolutionary revolutionary Chong; Yuan Shikai ruling authority Chongwei; Song Jiaoren, Tang Hualong and other legal and administrative character prudential health. Conservatism emphasizes backwardness, but this backwardness is really radical. Conservative misunderstanding is too superstitious authority, finds that only the authority of the emperor and the constitutional monarchy approach, to maintain order and stability. The myths of radicalism are the result of overly superstitious destruction and the success of the 1911 Revolution so that they can achieve their goal by thinking that they will continue to destroy. Authoritarianism is too advocating order. In order to defend the order, Yuan Shikai has gone further with the constitutional promises he sought in the late Qing Dynasty. If order becomes the justification for dissolving the Kuomintang and the parliament, this departure from the constitution and the order of freedom has become alienated to the high state of authoritarianism. Steady sound is relatively weak, when the factions dissent, ignore the consensus, prejudice the political views, promote the constitutional name, and do not attach importance to the constitution, prudent, big scholar, have only value the constitutional value “Scholar’s opinion ”. However, the combination of flexibility and rigidity has not made the middle line between radicalism and authoritarianism the constitutional wisdom worth learning in history.