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CHINA has experienced huge changes since the launch of the reform and opening-up policy in 1978. But it wasn’t just economic influence that spilled in from abroad； the door also opened wide in a cultural way. All of a sudden， a new young generation born in the 1980s and 1990s who grew up at the end of the 20th and beginning of 21st century began to thrum on their classroom desks the beats of Michael Jackson， Madonna， and Whitney Houston. Teachers， meanwhile， hortatorially held up calligraphy brushes to their pupils， and parents sent their youngsters to erhu classes. Some years later， Coca Cola， Volkswagen， and the first McDonald’s restaurants arrived in the People’s Republic. Then， Nikeand Adidas-shod， China’s youths pilgrimaged to screenings of Titanic， one of the first broadly successful Hollywood blockbusters officially shown in China’s cinemas. It was an event that will be remembered as such by a whole generation of young Chinese.
This new generation， known as the post-80s or post-90s， has grown up now. And the huge gap that separates them from their parents and grandparents’generations is ever more obvious. However， the reason for this phenomenon is not so-called “Westernization” or “Americanization.” As is widely acknowledged in international cultural studies， globalization does not mean replacement of local traditions by foreign infl uences； that would be too simple. Rather， globalization promotes the development of new things， albeit undoubtedly inspired by signifi cant overseas infl uences.
This is also true for China and its citizens born in the 1980s and 1990s. They might have warmly embraced many of the things that have entered their life through the door of reform and openingup， but didn’t necessarily imitate them. The encounter with Western pop and consumer culture has gradually brought about the appearance of a new and truly Chinese youth culture in recent years– the culture created by and for the so- called wenyi qingnian.
However， this is not a defi nition that is easily or correctly translated into Western languages. But this bears out that something new has emerged in China from the Chinese clash with globalization， and not something that is simply a copy or pale imitation of the culture of more industrialized nations.
Literally the term wenyi qingnian can be translated to mean “literary and artistic youth.” What it actually denotes is young people who share a passion for culture and art in the broadest sense. During recent years， the term has become a mainstream popular designation in the Chinese language. A wenyi qingnian is someone who spends most of his or her spare time listening to music， watching movies， and reading books beyond the mainstream. Therefore， wenyi qingnian are said to have a penchant for European art-house movies， poetry and profound song lyrics. They enjoy concerts and theater performances， some write poetry， short stories， or novels， or publish their own music， film or book reviews on the In-ternet. They walk the streets toting their LOMO cameras， and share their impressions， thoughts and feelings through their micro-blogs. The retro-style look they espouse， featuring canvas shoes， sailor shirts， vintage clothes， and the mandatory jute bag that dangles from the shoulders of hipsters worldwide， has become the distinctive motif of China’s new cultured youth.
The term wenyi qingnian is not really new in the Chinese language， having long existed. However， it has never been as omnipresent as today. Wenyi qingnian has become a catchword， a statement， even a marketing slogan； a term you commit to or reject， but in any case have an opinion about and take an unequivocal stand on.
Thus， the phrase wenyi qingnian has erected a linguistic memorial to the preliminary social conclusion ensuing from the development that started in the 1980s. It reflects the spirit of a whole generation， born after the commencement of reform and opening-up. It has become a label for a new youth that faces many open doors； young people who have much broader choices than their parents， and who have been granted the freedom to follow their passions， to dream， to seek.
Facing new chances and new horizons， many such Chinese youth have developed a new self-esteem. They are willing to take more responsibility for their lives， and more risks as well. They have found cultural nourishment in Western films， music， fashion and design trends. And last but not least， they see the new challenges of commercialization that have infiltrated almost all areas of Chinese life.
In the euphoria of this new development and the gold-rush-like ambience， inhaled especially in the bigger cities on the Chinese east coast since the 1980s， these young people in overcrowded areas of what is anyway a populous society are on the lookout for a new identity. It is somewhere between tradition and modernity， individuality and collectivism. Silently reveling in art and literature， they seem to have found an important outlet.
Facing the sheer mass of Western influence， the reaction of these young people is that of a stronger individualism a withdrawal from the cultural main- stream. They choose to retreat from the busy， hectic and loud everyday urban life of big Chinese metropolitan areas to find their own answers in music， films， and fiction. Many have just barricaded themselves in at home， a fact that brought about another linguistic label – zhainan or zhainü （man or woman homebody）. Others manifested their search in their own artistic expression. As a result， the youth music scene has flourished in recent years， and many new authors have also appeared. Apart from all that， the Internet has also played a major role in the spread of the wenyi qingnian phenomenon， to the extent of becoming the most important exchange platform for these young creative people. And they have significantly helped to shape the web’s development in the past few years. China’s young cultural enthusiasts not only exchange thoughts and feelings with like-minded people through widespread use of Chinese micro-blog platforms like Sina Weibo； they have even facilitated the breakthrough of new flourishing websites. One of the most influential is Douban.com， a platform where users can post music， film， or book reviews， join various interest groups and post information about cultural events in their cities.
Another prime example is the music web-portal Xiami.com， which also owes much of its meteoric rise to the wenyi qingnian. And it was also this group who vitally promoted the recent development of the country’s independent music scene， especially of indie folk， indie pop and indie rock.
However， the phenomenon has long since left the virtual space and begun to shape China’s urban images. In Shanghai’s Tianzifang， an area located in the former French Concession， and also in the streets and hutong around the Beijing Drum Tower are many individual boutiques and creative small shops that have opened their doors in recent years.
Here， visitors can find cupcake bakeries， cat-themed cafés， manga stores， secondhand shops and vintage and self-made boutiques. The on-going extension and touristic marketing of the Beijing hutong Nanluoguxiang marks a temporary commercial climax of wenyi qingnian culture popularization. Here， the slogan wenyi qingnian has even found its way onto the mass-produced T-shirts and key rings sold by the numerous souvenir vendors there. Without doubt， wenyi qingnian have finally hit the mainstream.
It is also due to the growing commercialization of the term that many genuine wenyi qingnian have started to reject associations with this label. In Beijing， many have already escaped to less frequented nooks of the city， such as Wudaoying hutong， located west of the famous Yonghegong Lama Temple. In this silent， small alley of typical Beijing allure， visitors today can enjoy an abundance of small coffee shops and creative independent boutiques.
However， more and more tourists have recently found their way to Wudaoying， and Western chains like KFC or Costa Coffee are gnawing at the eastern edge of this hutong. But places like Wudaoying nevertheless prove that the worries of the self-declared “guardians of traditional culture” about the Westernization of Chinese youth as a consequence of reform and opening-up are unfounded.
On the contrary， China’s youth born in the 1980s and 1990s have managed to deal with new influences from the Western world in a most self-confident and creative way， and so formed their very own youth culture. One result is an entirely new Chinese interpretation of the 21st century hipster which has changed the country’s urban landscape. Ultimately， it is not cultural influence from the West that homogenizes young generations in China or around the globe， but， as in the case of Nanluoguxiang and Wudaoying， the constant and insidious commercialization that snakes its way into and transforms all corners of society.
This new generation， known as the post-80s or post-90s， has grown up now. And the huge gap that separates them from their parents and grandparents’generations is ever more obvious. However， the reason for this phenomenon is not so-called “Westernization” or “Americanization.” As is widely acknowledged in international cultural studies， globalization does not mean replacement of local traditions by foreign infl uences； that would be too simple. Rather， globalization promotes the development of new things， albeit undoubtedly inspired by signifi cant overseas infl uences.
This is also true for China and its citizens born in the 1980s and 1990s. They might have warmly embraced many of the things that have entered their life through the door of reform and openingup， but didn’t necessarily imitate them. The encounter with Western pop and consumer culture has gradually brought about the appearance of a new and truly Chinese youth culture in recent years– the culture created by and for the so- called wenyi qingnian.
However， this is not a defi nition that is easily or correctly translated into Western languages. But this bears out that something new has emerged in China from the Chinese clash with globalization， and not something that is simply a copy or pale imitation of the culture of more industrialized nations.
Literally the term wenyi qingnian can be translated to mean “literary and artistic youth.” What it actually denotes is young people who share a passion for culture and art in the broadest sense. During recent years， the term has become a mainstream popular designation in the Chinese language. A wenyi qingnian is someone who spends most of his or her spare time listening to music， watching movies， and reading books beyond the mainstream. Therefore， wenyi qingnian are said to have a penchant for European art-house movies， poetry and profound song lyrics. They enjoy concerts and theater performances， some write poetry， short stories， or novels， or publish their own music， film or book reviews on the In-ternet. They walk the streets toting their LOMO cameras， and share their impressions， thoughts and feelings through their micro-blogs. The retro-style look they espouse， featuring canvas shoes， sailor shirts， vintage clothes， and the mandatory jute bag that dangles from the shoulders of hipsters worldwide， has become the distinctive motif of China’s new cultured youth.
The term wenyi qingnian is not really new in the Chinese language， having long existed. However， it has never been as omnipresent as today. Wenyi qingnian has become a catchword， a statement， even a marketing slogan； a term you commit to or reject， but in any case have an opinion about and take an unequivocal stand on.
Thus， the phrase wenyi qingnian has erected a linguistic memorial to the preliminary social conclusion ensuing from the development that started in the 1980s. It reflects the spirit of a whole generation， born after the commencement of reform and opening-up. It has become a label for a new youth that faces many open doors； young people who have much broader choices than their parents， and who have been granted the freedom to follow their passions， to dream， to seek.
Facing new chances and new horizons， many such Chinese youth have developed a new self-esteem. They are willing to take more responsibility for their lives， and more risks as well. They have found cultural nourishment in Western films， music， fashion and design trends. And last but not least， they see the new challenges of commercialization that have infiltrated almost all areas of Chinese life.
In the euphoria of this new development and the gold-rush-like ambience， inhaled especially in the bigger cities on the Chinese east coast since the 1980s， these young people in overcrowded areas of what is anyway a populous society are on the lookout for a new identity. It is somewhere between tradition and modernity， individuality and collectivism. Silently reveling in art and literature， they seem to have found an important outlet.
Facing the sheer mass of Western influence， the reaction of these young people is that of a stronger individualism a withdrawal from the cultural main- stream. They choose to retreat from the busy， hectic and loud everyday urban life of big Chinese metropolitan areas to find their own answers in music， films， and fiction. Many have just barricaded themselves in at home， a fact that brought about another linguistic label – zhainan or zhainü （man or woman homebody）. Others manifested their search in their own artistic expression. As a result， the youth music scene has flourished in recent years， and many new authors have also appeared. Apart from all that， the Internet has also played a major role in the spread of the wenyi qingnian phenomenon， to the extent of becoming the most important exchange platform for these young creative people. And they have significantly helped to shape the web’s development in the past few years. China’s young cultural enthusiasts not only exchange thoughts and feelings with like-minded people through widespread use of Chinese micro-blog platforms like Sina Weibo； they have even facilitated the breakthrough of new flourishing websites. One of the most influential is Douban.com， a platform where users can post music， film， or book reviews， join various interest groups and post information about cultural events in their cities.
Another prime example is the music web-portal Xiami.com， which also owes much of its meteoric rise to the wenyi qingnian. And it was also this group who vitally promoted the recent development of the country’s independent music scene， especially of indie folk， indie pop and indie rock.
However， the phenomenon has long since left the virtual space and begun to shape China’s urban images. In Shanghai’s Tianzifang， an area located in the former French Concession， and also in the streets and hutong around the Beijing Drum Tower are many individual boutiques and creative small shops that have opened their doors in recent years.
Here， visitors can find cupcake bakeries， cat-themed cafés， manga stores， secondhand shops and vintage and self-made boutiques. The on-going extension and touristic marketing of the Beijing hutong Nanluoguxiang marks a temporary commercial climax of wenyi qingnian culture popularization. Here， the slogan wenyi qingnian has even found its way onto the mass-produced T-shirts and key rings sold by the numerous souvenir vendors there. Without doubt， wenyi qingnian have finally hit the mainstream.
It is also due to the growing commercialization of the term that many genuine wenyi qingnian have started to reject associations with this label. In Beijing， many have already escaped to less frequented nooks of the city， such as Wudaoying hutong， located west of the famous Yonghegong Lama Temple. In this silent， small alley of typical Beijing allure， visitors today can enjoy an abundance of small coffee shops and creative independent boutiques.
However， more and more tourists have recently found their way to Wudaoying， and Western chains like KFC or Costa Coffee are gnawing at the eastern edge of this hutong. But places like Wudaoying nevertheless prove that the worries of the self-declared “guardians of traditional culture” about the Westernization of Chinese youth as a consequence of reform and opening-up are unfounded.
On the contrary， China’s youth born in the 1980s and 1990s have managed to deal with new influences from the Western world in a most self-confident and creative way， and so formed their very own youth culture. One result is an entirely new Chinese interpretation of the 21st century hipster which has changed the country’s urban landscape. Ultimately， it is not cultural influence from the West that homogenizes young generations in China or around the globe， but， as in the case of Nanluoguxiang and Wudaoying， the constant and insidious commercialization that snakes its way into and transforms all corners of society.