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1948年5月,国民党内各派系围绕立法院副院长与行政院院长人选问题展开激烈争夺。陈立夫虽然在立法院副院长选举中险胜,但不满蒋未予其全力支持,故而陈在行政院院长提名问题上与蒋展开激烈较量。蒋介石支持张群蝉联行政院院长,CC系则推举何应钦,并制造假投票,逼蒋就范。蒋无奈选择获各派系认可的翁文灏出掌内阁。由此可清晰窥见国大行宪在国民党派系政治的作用下迅速异化为各派系争权夺利的工具,宪法赋予立法院的质询权与同意权反却成为CC系与蒋介石进行较量的制度保障,而国民党内各派系因受公开竞选的刺激,日趋组织化与公开化,宪政体制甚至成为加剧国民党内部派系纷争的催化剂。
In May 1948, factions within the Kuomintang fiercely contested the question of the appointment of the vice-president of the Legislative Yuan and the appointment of the chief executive of the Executive Yuan. Although Chen Lifu won the election of the vice-president of the Legislative Yuan, he was dissatisfied with Chiang’s full support. Therefore, Chen fought a fierce contest with Chiang on the nomination of the president of the Executive Yuan. Chiang Kai-shek supported Zhang Quncan as the president of the Executive Yuan. CC Department recommended He Yingqin and made fake votes to compel Chiang to serve him. Chiang reluctantly chosen by the various factions approved Weng Wen Hao actress cabinet. From this, we can clearly see that under the influence of the Kuomintang factional politics, the Kuomintang government quickly alienated itself into a tool for the various factions to fight for power and contention. The right of inquiry and consent given by the Constitution to the Legislative Yuan has become a system guarantee for the contest between CC and Chiang Kai-shek. However, Due to the stimulation of the open election, the factions have become increasingly organized and open, and the constitutional system has even become a catalyst for exacerbating the factional disputes among the Kuomintang.