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The departure of German Chancellor Angela Merkel from politics signals the end of an era for Germany and the EU. After 16 years， the duration of Merkel’s tenure， a void has been left. At the last meeting of the European Council she attended on October 22， President Charles Michel described Merkel as a “monument”and said summits without the long-time chancellor would be like Paris without the Eiffel Tower.
Merkel will be remembered for managing the debt and the refugee crises. In the former case， the most difficult challenge was to preserve the integrity of the eurozone as no European institutional framework had then allowed the granting of loans to countries in financial stress. Although critics argue that， throughout the process， austerity was prioritized over growth， the objective of preventing the dissolution of the eurosystem was finally met. Unity， the result of Merkel’s calm policy during the debt crisis， also characterized the EU stance in Brexit negotiations. Although the 2016 decision of the British people had been initially viewed as perhaps opening the Aeolus Bag for other countries to leave， the remaining 27 member states exhibited a remarkable cohesion.
When it came to addressing the refugee crisis， Merkel came under pressure to find and coordinate a workable European solution at a time when some member states viewed the refugees favorably but others did not and closed their borders. The result was not optimal， due to internal disagreements and rising xenophobia， but the 2016 EUTurkey agreement created conditions that limited the number of refugees coming into the Old Continent. Critics， here in Europe， say the resettlement program was rather weak and not fair. Merkel， however， was not responsible for conflict in the Middle East and only needed to mitigate their consequences amid serious tensions.
In the last two years of her chancellorship， Merkel led the EU effort against the COVID-19 pandemic， principally on the economic front. It was the first time she approved the issuance of common debt—at least partly—to stabilize the economies of member states under the extreme circumstances. This had been a taboo for many years.
It is hard to speculate who will be the leader of the EU after Merkel， or if there is another leader of her caliber. Negotiations for the formation of a German government will soon be underway. Also， President of France， Emmanuel Macron， who was elected in 2017 with the hope he would transform the EU—especially in pushing towards a fiscal union—saw his ambitions clash with Germany’s economic interests. Hence， results have been poor. Macron will soon have to compete for his reelection and so his attention will be focused on domestic issues in the first months of 2022. Rather than being shaped by one particular personality， the future course of the EU is likely to be the result of the systemic dimension of French-German relations. The next chancellor of Germany and president of France will hold the keys to progress， irrespective of their identities. Merkel’s successor will take over the task of securing a smooth recovery in Europe and the repayment of some of the debts. It is this repayment that might uncover old divides between the North and South in the EU， as occurred during the debt crisis. This will be a nightmare scenario for Europe’s cohesion and the future of the younger generations that will be looking for jobs.
Furthermore， her successor will need to better position the EU within the international system. The concept of strategic autonomy means that Europe envisages becoming increasingly robust and largely acting as an autonomous player， including in defense matters. The implementation of such a policy is particularly delicate because the EU has existed under the U.S. security umbrella for decades. No strategic autonomy will be possible without concrete and ambitious actions in that respect. Steps already taken are only minor. What seems more feasible for the EU is the formulation of an industrial policy that will tap the potential for innovation in 6G and artificial intelligence by securing relevant funds for research.
Merkel’s art of diplomacy， statecraft and seriousness will perhaps be missed. The EU is not a state and compromises are constantly required as a way forward. Merkel was aware， found remedies and succeeded， even if this success is not often described as a “vision” in the European discourse. BR
Merkel will be remembered for managing the debt and the refugee crises. In the former case， the most difficult challenge was to preserve the integrity of the eurozone as no European institutional framework had then allowed the granting of loans to countries in financial stress. Although critics argue that， throughout the process， austerity was prioritized over growth， the objective of preventing the dissolution of the eurosystem was finally met. Unity， the result of Merkel’s calm policy during the debt crisis， also characterized the EU stance in Brexit negotiations. Although the 2016 decision of the British people had been initially viewed as perhaps opening the Aeolus Bag for other countries to leave， the remaining 27 member states exhibited a remarkable cohesion.
When it came to addressing the refugee crisis， Merkel came under pressure to find and coordinate a workable European solution at a time when some member states viewed the refugees favorably but others did not and closed their borders. The result was not optimal， due to internal disagreements and rising xenophobia， but the 2016 EUTurkey agreement created conditions that limited the number of refugees coming into the Old Continent. Critics， here in Europe， say the resettlement program was rather weak and not fair. Merkel， however， was not responsible for conflict in the Middle East and only needed to mitigate their consequences amid serious tensions.
In the last two years of her chancellorship， Merkel led the EU effort against the COVID-19 pandemic， principally on the economic front. It was the first time she approved the issuance of common debt—at least partly—to stabilize the economies of member states under the extreme circumstances. This had been a taboo for many years.
It is hard to speculate who will be the leader of the EU after Merkel， or if there is another leader of her caliber. Negotiations for the formation of a German government will soon be underway. Also， President of France， Emmanuel Macron， who was elected in 2017 with the hope he would transform the EU—especially in pushing towards a fiscal union—saw his ambitions clash with Germany’s economic interests. Hence， results have been poor. Macron will soon have to compete for his reelection and so his attention will be focused on domestic issues in the first months of 2022. Rather than being shaped by one particular personality， the future course of the EU is likely to be the result of the systemic dimension of French-German relations. The next chancellor of Germany and president of France will hold the keys to progress， irrespective of their identities. Merkel’s successor will take over the task of securing a smooth recovery in Europe and the repayment of some of the debts. It is this repayment that might uncover old divides between the North and South in the EU， as occurred during the debt crisis. This will be a nightmare scenario for Europe’s cohesion and the future of the younger generations that will be looking for jobs.
Furthermore， her successor will need to better position the EU within the international system. The concept of strategic autonomy means that Europe envisages becoming increasingly robust and largely acting as an autonomous player， including in defense matters. The implementation of such a policy is particularly delicate because the EU has existed under the U.S. security umbrella for decades. No strategic autonomy will be possible without concrete and ambitious actions in that respect. Steps already taken are only minor. What seems more feasible for the EU is the formulation of an industrial policy that will tap the potential for innovation in 6G and artificial intelligence by securing relevant funds for research.
Merkel’s art of diplomacy， statecraft and seriousness will perhaps be missed. The EU is not a state and compromises are constantly required as a way forward. Merkel was aware， found remedies and succeeded， even if this success is not often described as a “vision” in the European discourse. BR