Abstract： Zhang Zai， holding that Daoxue and statecraft are inseparable， set up his own theoretical system consisting of the dao， learning， and administration. The most explicit expression of Zhang’s theoretical system is his statement of the four ontological goals. Through textual analysis， this paper attempts to distinguish the different versions of the four ontological goals， clarify how Zhang constructs his theory of the dao， learning， and administration， and learn about his governance-oriented purpose as his realistic concern. From the four aspects of the mind， the dao， learning， and eternal peace revealed in his four ontological goals， we can conclude that Zhang’s philosophy has a triple purpose that integrates spirit–responsibility （benevolent mind）， value–knowledge （the dao and its learning）， and purpose–appeal （eternal peace）.
　　Keywords： Zhang Zai， four ontological goals， mind， dao， learning， administration
　　Current studies of Zhang Zai 张载 （a.k.a. Hengqu 横渠， 1020–1077） and other Neo-Confucians focus mainly on analyzing and differentiating their purely philosophical categories， which are， as Yu Ying-shih 余英时 asserted， “various debates over daoti 道体 （the substance of the dao）.” Yet little new ground has been broken with regard to the realistic concerns of their theories， that is， the purposes and implications of their metaphysical pursuits. However， Zhang made it clear that Daoxue 道學 （the academic pursuit of the dao） and the actual administration of a country are inseparable， which indicates that the dao 道 （the Way）， xue 学 （learning）， and zheng 政 （administration）， the three aspects constituting his theory， are not unrelated. Zhang’s theory is a system of interactive value， doctrine， and political governance， and this judgment serves as the key to seeking for a correct understanding of his philosophy.
　　In essence， the overall purpose of Zhang’s philosophy finds expression most directly in his statement of the four ontological goals， that is， “to build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind， to reveal the dao for the populace， to restore the past sages’ vanished learning， and to open up eternal peace for the future （为天地立心，为生民立道，为去圣继绝学，为万世开太平）.” The four categories of the mind （xin 心）， the dao， learning， and eternal peace （taiping 太平） mentioned here constitute the basic framework of Zhang’s philosophy as a system， which reflect three mutually penetrating aspects， that is， spirit–responsibility （benevolent mind）， value–knowledge （the dao and its learning）， and purpose–appeal （administration and eternal peace）. Therefore， his statement of those four goals is an important path to understanding the purpose of his philosophy. Only when the theoretical construction of Zhang’s philosophy has been clarified will it be possible to avoid the defect caused by the obsession with the debates over the substance of the dao to the neglect of revealing his academic purpose. 　　Distinguishing the Versions of the Four Ontological Goals
　　[Refer to page 73 for Chinese. Similarly hereinafter]
　　Since different versions of Zhang’s four ontological goals have been passed down， it is a precondition for an accurate understanding of his thought to return to his original version. The main bones of contention in the different versions are the wording of the first three goals： namely， 为天地立心 or 为天地立志; 为生民立道， 为生民立命， or 为生民立极; and 为往圣继绝学 or 为去圣继绝学？ Of them， the literal gap between wangsheng 往圣 （past sages） and qusheng 去圣 （bygone sages） is negligible for there is little difference between their meanings. However， the difference between lixin 立心 and lizhi 立志 or that between lidao 立道， liming 立命， and liji 立极 is quite significant， calling for an effort to differentiate them and decide on the most reliable of them.
　　Lixin or Lizhi？ [73]
　　There are two main versions of the first goal. One is found in the Collected Works of Zhang Zai [张载集] edited by Zhang Xichen 章锡琛 （1889–1969） and published by the Zhonghua Book Company. This edition of Collected Works of Zhang Zai was based on the Complete Works of Master Zhang [張子全书] reprinted by Song Ting’e 宋廷蕚 （fl. 1784–1785） in the early Qing dynasty from the officially printed edition edited by Shen Zizhang 沈自彰 （fl. 1601–1617） in Fengxiang （in present-day Shaanxi Province） during the Wanli period of the Ming dynasty. Since Shen’s edition was rife with errors， Zhang Xichen tried to improve it by referring to some other books such as the Song dynasty edition of Recorded Conversations of Master Zhang [张子语录] and Collected Writings of the Northern Song Dynasty [宋文鉴]， and worded the first goal as “为天地立志” （to build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s intent）. The other version， “为天地立心” （to build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind）， can be found in some pieces of literature such as Collected Confucian Discourses on the Dao [诸儒鸣道]， Reflections on Things at Hand [近思录]， and Records of Song and Yuan Scholars [宋元学案]. Thus， as both versions were based on Zhang Zai’s texts， we have to analyze the difference between them and attempt to decide which is more reliable.
　　First， with regard to the dates when their compilations were completed， both Collected Confucian Discourses on the Dao and Reflections on Things at Hand are earlier than Complete Works of Master Zhang， and therefore， the lixin 立心 recorded in the first two works is more reliable than the lizhi 立志 in the third one. 　　Second， judging from Zhang Zai’s own texts， lixin is more advisable than lizhi. Though he discussed repeatedly the importance of zhi 志 （intent） to administering a country and conducting oneself， he spoke of lizhi mainly in relation to the steps by which Confucian officials pursue learning and its scope. He did not mention “Heaven and Earth’s intent” or “Heaven’s intent.” Therefore， there is no evidence that can be found inside his texts for the option of lizhi.
　　Third， from Zhang’s writings， we can find that he mentioned “the mind of Heaven and Earth” several times， which can serve as internal evidence （we will analyze it at length later） for lixin. Obviously， it is more reasonable to decide on lixin for the first goal.
　　Lidao， Liming， or Liji？ [74]
　　When it comes to the second goal， the three variant versions， that is， lidao 立道 （to build up or reveal the dao）， liming 立命 （to build up the mandate）， and liji 立极 （to build up the ultimate standard）， will be discussed here. Of them， the earliest is lidao， which appeared first in Collected Confucian Discourses on the Dao， printed before 1168. In addition， it is also mentioned in Reflections on Things at Hand， edited by Zhu Xi 朱熹 （1130–1200） and Lü Zuqian 吕祖谦 （1137–1181）， who got from Wang Yingchen 汪应辰 （1118–1176） an edition they had never seen before. Since that edition was in the family collection possessed by one of Zhang Zai’s descendants， it was of high value as a reference to Zhu and Lü when they compiled Reflections on Things at Hand. So， justifiably， lidao is the most reliable.
　　As far as their distribution is concerned， liming is the most widely disseminated and many later scholars cited it in their academic works. Chen Chun 陳淳 （1159–1223）， a disciple of Zhu Xi， was the first to mention liming and after him， Wen Tianxiang 文天祥 （1236–1283）， a statesman of the late Southern Song dynasty， went on with the doctrine of liming. As for the reasons why they dwelt on liming， one lies in the Southern Song political crisis， which aroused a strong sense of responsibility in the scholars of the time. This can be verified by the four ontological goals themselves. The other reason has to do with the official prohibition of Neo-Confucianism in the late Southern Song. Fearing that they would be persecuted and totally banned， the Neo-Confucians replaced the character dao 道 with ming 命. It turned out that， after the prohibition was lifted， lidao was replaced by liming which had been already in wide distribution for many years. 　　The third version is liji， which was often talked about among the Southern Song Neo-Confucians. In his Ultimate Discourses on Past and Present Origins and Developments [古今源流至论]， Lin Jiong 林駉 expounds liji in more than twenty places and dwells on “to build up the ultimate standard for the populace” five or six times. However， there is no solid evidence available for connecting liji directly with the four goals， and so we accept it only as a possible variant.
　　In a word， on the basis of the above analysis of the relationship between editions as well as the textual evidence， we conclude that lixin and lidao are the more reliable readings for the four ontological goals. Since the Song dynasty， Zhang Zai’s statement of the four ontological goals has been kept in mind by Chinese intellectuals.
　　Zhang Zai’s Philosophical Purpose Reflected in His
　　Four Ontological Goals [75]
　　The four aspects of the mind， the dao， learning， and eternal peace mentioned in Zhang Zai’s statement of the four goals constitute the overall structure of his philosophy. Those four aspects， essentially， reflect his considerations on the dao， learning， and administration， indicating his realistic concern in his metaphysical thinking. Conveyed by Zhang’s four ontological goals is a strong sense of mission and responsibility which bears closely on his philosophy. Therefore， by delving into the four ontological goals， we can gain a better understanding of the purpose of his philosophy and avoid having ourselves preoccupied too much with debates only over the metaphysical issue of the substance of the dao to the neglect of the inner concern of his philosophy.
　　Lixin as the Root of Responsibility [75]
　　Zhang Zai said，
　　Generally speaking， as regards the mind of Heaven and Earth， since the great virtue of Heaven and Earth is giving and maintaining life， what takes giving and maintaining life as fundamental is the mind of Heaven and Earth. . . . Human virtue and nature are also in accord with that.
　　Here he regarded the mind for giving and maintaining life as the mind of Heaven and Earth， and he held that， when following the example of Heaven and Earth displaying the benevolence of giving and maintaining life， the sage also manifested his or her mind of great virtue to save the people. Kong Yingda 孔穎达 （574–648） explained that great virtue as “meaning that the sage is endowed with virtue like that of Heaven and Earth which give life to the myriad things.” However， Kong and Zhang are different in that Kong applied an outside–in model in simulating Heaven and Earth’s virtue and thereby deducing the relationship between Heaven and humankind， attributing the origin of human virtue and nature to a posteriori cultivation， while Zhang’s was an inside–out model in that， to him， humankind is endowed with the mind of Heaven and Earth in the generation and transformation of the universe and since that mind is inherent， what humankind needs is only the stimulation of that mind so as to produce naturally virtuous behavior， thus identifying Heaven’s mind with the sage’s benevolent mind. 　　Heaven and Earth’s mind is prior to the sage’s mind， but， in spite of its a priori existence， it has to depend on humankind “to build it up” before it can be manifested. This means that only by human effort can “the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind” be made possible， and thus that “the mind” in the sense of naturally giving and maintaining life acquires human moral and spiritual value. Zhang’s original purpose is to establish for human society the supreme spirit for its self-commitment and value on the level of the heavenly dao.
　　“To build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind” expresses explicitly the responsibility Confucians should take on， and this spirit represents the value cherished by Zhang Zai and other Confucian officials. When speaking of the Confucian sage’s mind， he summarizes it by： “He makes up his mind to take on the responsibility for his country and people.” It can be known from this passage that Zhang’s lixin indicates the value and spirit of traditional Chinese scholar-officials who set their minds on saving the people. Such spirit is inevitably conveyed by an academic system of value， that is， Zhang’s elucidation on the dao and learning.
　　Lidao for Establishing the Value System [76]
　　As recorded in “A Brief Biography of Master Hengqu” [橫渠先生行状]， Zhang Zai met Cheng Hao 程颢 （1032–1085） and Cheng Yi 程颐 （1033–1107） for the first time in Kaifeng， the capital of the Song dynasty， during the Jiayou period （1056–1063） and discussed with them the essentials of Neo-Confucianism. That brought forth a completely fresh confidence in himself. As he said with a sigh， “my doctrine of the dao is self-contained.” Their meeting marks a major turning point in Zhang’s scholarly career.
　　In his later declaration of the four ontological goals is contained his idea of revealing the dao， for it is an integral part of them. He once said，
　　In the thousand and more years after Mencius， the doctrine of the dao remained in the dark. Today， there is again someone who knows it. If Heaven had not intended to shed light on it， it would not have had anyone today know it. Since it has let someone know the doctrine， it seems to be by principle that light is shed on it again.
　　When Zhu Xi read Zhang’s four ontological goals， he cited those words and commented， “All those words indicate Master Zhang seeing himself as the inheritor of the Confucian doctrine of the dao.” Zhu’s observation makes clear the direct connection between Zhang’s four ontological goals and the doctrine of Confucianism. 　　According to Zhang， the doctrine of the dao as a type of value remained in oblivion for too long a time and it is the important mission of his contemporary Confucians to pursue the dao and reconstruct the Confucian doctrine of the dao once again. That doctrine of the dao is not only an important topic in the Song Confucians’ academic discourses， but also represents the only way by which the scholar-officials benefit their country and people. Zhang’s doctrine of the dao blends both knowledge and value. He says， “When one looks toward the dao yet cannot see it， let him look toward the prevalent peace and tranquility，” seeking to have the country ruled by the dao， which indicates that his doctrine of the dao serves ultimately the purpose “to open up eternal peace for the future.”
　　Zhang once asserted， “The sage possesses ren 仁 （benevolence） so that he is able to carry forward the dao.” This makes clear the path toward constructing the dao by lifting the benevolent mind. Specifically， the Confucian spirit of taking on responsibility for benefiting the country and saving the people can be aroused by the benevolence displayed in lixin， and hence their pursuit of the dao for setting things right can be further motivated. Thus， from “to build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind” to “to open up eternal peace，” Zhang formulates a coherent and consistent academic system.
　　The pursuit of the dao as articulated by Zhang connects with the benevolent and righteous mind of the Confucians， and aims to carry forward the dao through building up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind. To him， only by grasping the metaphysical and transcendental dao with regard to governance rather than sticking only to empirical skills and tactics can the eternal peace be surely opened up. Thus， how to understand the dao in regard to governance is the key to attaining that eternal peace. Actually， Daoxue is seeking for the ultimate， that is， a pursuit of restoring the vanished learning （ji juexue 繼绝学）.
　　Ji Juexue for Constructing the System of Knowledge [77]
　　Zhang’s idea of revealing the dao brings home the overall purpose of learning. The dao and learning are closely related in that learning targets the dao， which is stored up by learning; the dao is revealed by learning， which can be distributed widely because of the dao it stores up， hence the name Daoxue. What worried Zhang was that， after Confucius and Mencius， “the Confucian learning vanished and the dao was lost” and consequently “later Confucians were given to clamoring for this or that but ignorant of returning to simplicity， inquiring into the origin to the utmost， and mustering up courage to revive learning.” To restore the vanished learning highlights Zhang’s determination to revitalize Confucianism. 　　Why is learning so important？ As far as the logic underlying Zhang’s academic construction goes， he began with the mind of taking on responsibility and aimed to reveal the dao to the populace. In this sense， the dao is that which “formulated laws and implemented benevolent government in olden times，” and the ancient line of its inheritance is from Fuxi， through Shennong， Huangdi， Yao， Shun， and Yu， to Tang.i According to Zhang， what was inherited and handed down is learning， which contains the dao pursued by the ancient sage-kings in the far remote ages， which were golden ages in terms of the Confucian values. Zhang’s understanding of the inheritance of learning indicates the close relationship between his concept of the dao and actual governance.
　　After such a clarification of the value of revealing the dao， the next step is to reveal the dao by pursuing learning. Zhang’s progression from the dao to learning demonstrates his going deeper along the logical levels in his academic construction. He says， “When I advocate restoring the vanished learning， I also desire to accomplish a well-ordered doctrine.” This means that what he constructed for the learning of the dao was an academic system with clearly defined deeply-penetrating levels. The dao and its learning therein represents the realization of a philosophy dedicated to probing “the dao issuing from the transformation of qi 氣 （vital energy）” where “the subtle principle of the great dao” dwells， in the sense that， through studying the great dao， Zhang constructs his learning-based interpretation of the subtle dao， attempting to build up for the world “the great standard which is central and impartial to the utmost.”
　　The learning inherited by Zhang not only conveyed the cultural mission of his contemporary scholar-officials to revitalize Confucianism， but also， by cultural interpretation and construction， laid the academic foundation of an appeal for political change and a better order to reality. In this regard the Neo-Confucians were surprisingly unanimous. For example， Cheng Yi interpreted the dao， learning， and administration as a system bearing on order. He says，
　　After the Duke of Zhou passed away， the dao of the sages was not effected any longer; After Mencius died， the learning of the sages was not passed down any longer. With the dao not in effect， there was no good rule for a hundred generations; with the learning not passed down， there was no true Confucian for a thousand years. 　　The mission of the intellectuals in the Song dynasty， the Neo-Confucians in particular， was to reconstruct and revitalize Confucianism by revealing the dao. Therefore， to restore the vanished learning is， actually， to manifest and effect the dao.
　　Then， how is Zhang’s learning constructed？ Traditional Chinese scholarship is constructed on the basis of the Confucian classics. From the time of the Han dynasty （206 BCE–220 CE）， the academic system based on the Five Classicsii was established， and in the Southern Song dynasty， the academic system based on the Four Booksiii was completed. The Confucian classics and their interpretation constituted the basic means of discussing and inheriting Confucianism. As regards the learning of the dao advocated by Zhang， his doctrine was also constructed through explaining the Confucian classics. Both Zhang and the two Cheng brothers， who constructed their learning by interpreting Confucian classics and writing books to expound their theories， indicate their path into the field of political governance by way of the cultural activity of interpreting Confucian classics.
　　Zhang’s advocacy of the dao is mainly characterized by his distinctive conceptual categories and train of thought. From the generative and ontological viewpoints， he lifts Confucian statecraft to the height of the heavenly dao and thereby builds up a philosophical system that features vital energy-based transformation. Highlighting the dao issuing from the transformation of vital energy， his philosophy resolves the problem with Confucian statecraft， that is， its lack of universal applicability， and displays its concern with order in the following three respects.
　　First， with his vital energy-based cosmology， he criticizes the Buddhist illusionism and Daoist theory of non-being， thus clarifying the substance of the training in rites and music pursued by Confucianism. Zhang said， “When it is understood that the vacuity， the void， is nothing but vital energy， then existence and nonexistence， the hidden and the manifest， spirit and eternal transformation， and human nature and destiny are all one and not a duality.” In light of his definition of the vacuity as vital energy， both the Buddhists’ taking the substantial for the empty and the empty for the true， and the Daoists’ taking non-being for the substance and the source from which being arises， reveal their heretical essence， “being obscured by one-sided doctrines and falling into extremes.” 　　Second， from the viewpoint of the vital energy-based generation and transformation of the universe， Zhang defines human value. In his opinion， vital energy in the original state of vacuity is absolutely tranquil and pure， and that vital energy congeals into material force， which congeals into humankind， and so humankind is also endowed with that absolute tranquility and purity， that is， the original human nature as identified by Confucianism. With the vital energy-based generation and transformation Zhang solves the problem of the essence of human nature， thus providing a support and justification of the possibility of a social order governed by Confucian rites and ethics.
　　Third， the vital energy， of necessity， congeals to become the myriad things in the universe， and from the angle of generating and being generated， that means “in all things， big or small， dwells the dao，” so vital energy （the dao） plays the function of governing the myriad things.
　　To Open up Eternal Peace： An Appeal for Order and Purpose [79]
　　The previous studies in this regard have paid more attention to speculating on the concepts underlying Zhang’s four ontological goals than to what he drives at with his doctrine， and consequently little has been clarified of the ultimate purpose of his learning.
　　Starting from pondering on cosmology and the generation of the myriad things， Zhang constructs his doctrine dedicated to the learning of the dao， and in thus doing， his purpose is to criticize Buddhism and Daoism， particularly concepts such as illusionism， non-being， and emptiness， in an attempt to arouse the spirit of the scholar-officials to take on responsibility for the dao. His pursuit of the dao is not only a matter of pure knowledge and scholarship but rather “ultimately concerns human affairs.” He connects such philosophical concepts as the dao and substance with the rites and music in regard to social governance， avoiding “separating substance and function completely，” and deepens the spirit–responsibility （to build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind） and value–knowledge （to reveal the dao and to restore the vanished learning） to the purpose–appeal for administration （to open up eternal peace）， displaying his great personality as a Confucian devoted to abolishing deceitful practices， saving his people， and benefiting his country.
　　In brief， Zhang’s cosmological theory， which is based on the transformation of vital energy， not only provides an explanation of the universe and nature， but also represents a development of Confucian thought on the interconnection between Heaven and humankind entering gradually into the governance of political and social life. To him， the order ruled by the heavenly dao is no longer something external， but rather takes in the spirit of humanity and makes laws for the human order. For example， Zhang attributes the order of governance under the ancient sage-kings to their “modeling themselves on qian 乾 （Heaven） and kun 坤 （Earth）.” This shows that he tried to map Heaven and Earth onto human society and to construct an integrated order of the world. According to Jiang Guanghui 姜廣辉， in Correcting Youthful Ignorance [正蒙]， Zhang expounds a world view with a holistic dynamic equilibrium， and the taihe 太和 （great harmony） in his first sentence “the great harmony is called the dao” implies holistic harmony. Such harmony and its holism are， actually， an abstract expression of the actual order. In this sense， we can be certain that “the Great Harmony is the supreme harmony， that is， the dao which generates the cosmic order，” and that the natural order of the heavenly dao is the manifestation of the vital energy’s transformation， which lays the rational foundation for the human order. 　　To sum up， the discourse of the four ontological goals not only symbolizes the Song Confucians’ lofty ideal and spiritual pursuit， but also contains a complete statement for re-establishing the order of the Song dynasty. It conveys the realistic appeal that was quite widespread among the intellectuals： With the support from the state power， efforts should be made to restore order， and that， specifically， means extending laws to rites and customs， and upgrading rites and customs to laws so as to re-establish the ideology， ethics， and rules over life. When Zhang and the Cheng brothers explained the Confucian rites by resorting to principle， they attempted to argue for the value of those rites from the height of a metaphysical philosophical ontology， for， as they saw it， only by taking statecraft aimed at realizing peace and tranquility into the discussion of Neo-Confucianism （the learning of the dao） can it be possible for them to attain truly the universal principle above individual experience and ultimately the unification of the theory of governance and statecraft.
　　Summary [80]
　　As Zhang Zai believed that the learning of the dao and administration are inseparable， we can conclude that （1） the mind， which bears on spirit and responsibility， is the starting point for the Confucians’ actions; （2） universal peace and order， which pertain to purpose and appeal， is what they pursue by their actions in reality; （3） the dao and its learning， which concern value and knowledge， serve as the bridge connecting the former two. In this regard， previous studies addressed mostly the issue of learning， paying little attention to probing the issue of administration. Consequently， they failed to clarify the connection between “Heaven， the dao， human nature， and destiny” and “what Confucians should speak of is but the human affairs.” Zhang advocated the unification of Heaven， the dao， human nature， and destiny， and the realistic concern with human society， and developed a philosophical system truly connecting Heaven and humankind. Therefore， we need to adopt a different approach to interpreting his view that political and social change is subject to the transformation of vital energy and generation of ethics， and to the change and absence of change in the transformation of vital energy， and his progression from natural philosophy to historical concepts concerning the moral and ethical order and institutional change. Here lies the reason why we can gain a better understanding of the value orientation of Confucianism by examining Zhang’s philosophy from the viewpoint of his four ontological goals.
　　Bibliography of Cited Translations
　　Chan， Wing-tsit， trans. and ed. A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton： Princeton University Press， 1963.
　　Translated by Wang Xiaonong