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1972年，好莱坞大片《教父》在电影界取得空前成功，时至今日，它仍是流行文化关于黑手党的最具影响力的描述。美丽的西西里岛与罪恶的黑手党的结合，不和谐却真实得残酷。
黑手党起源于意大利的西西里岛。今天，黑手党组织不仅活跃于意大利本土，更随着意大利裔移民散布于世界各地。他们的罪恶行径包括暗杀、非法买卖、妨碍司法公正等。
西西里自治区首府巴勒莫郊外那些田园牧歌般的柑橘林与柠檬林集中着黑手党的权力和资本，这片宁静的土地见证了无数次血腥残酷的黑帮仇杀。贪得无厌的黑帮严重拖累了意大利经济。为了彻底摆脱被黑手党勒索保护费的梦魇，意大利众多商家已经开始联手改变这个延续了几百年的罪恶传统。
Italian businessman Ettore Artioli is still hanging tough, two weeks after 1)hoodlums torched the 2)Sicilian headquarters of his organization, the national employers’ lobby Confindustria. Artioli’s group is one of many fighting to break the 3)mob’s centuries-old grip on the island where the 4)mafia began, and police say the 5)arsonists 6)made off with confidential files from Confindustria’s offices, including a list of nearly 300 Sicilian business operators who had 7)pledged themselves not to pay pizzo—protection money, a major source of income for the crime bosses. But in Artioli’s view the attack merely shows the mob’s growing
desperation. “It’s a sign that the mafia is in se-rious trouble,” he says.
There’s cause for hope, anyway. The day after the attack thousands of Sicilians 8)took to the streets in Palermo and the small but iconic town of Corleone with banners demanding “NO MAFIA” and “MAFIA GO AWAY.” The crime 9)syndicates have bullied and bled much of the country for generations—in particular, the Cosa Nostra in Sicily, the Camorra in and around Naples and the “Ndrangheta in Calabria”. An unprecedented grass-roots 10)revolt against the mob is growing, encouraged by the capture of Sicily’s 11)fugitive 12)capo Bernardo Provenzano last year and his 13)understudy last month, along with hundreds of other 14)mobsters.
The arrest of 38 mafia suspects in Sicily may further 15)embolden the anti-16)don campaign, which has netted more than 200 suspects in 2007. Earlier another of Sicily’s emerging bosses, Daniele Emanuello, was shot as he hid from police in a 17)ravine. Before he died he swallowed secret notes with names and telephone numbers that the authorities are now trying to 18)decipher after removing the fragments from his 19)esophagus.
In Palermo, 106 stores now advertise “mob-free shopping,” meaning no pizzo, no illegal merchandise, no mafia involvement. In Naples last week non-mob bakers handed out 20,000 loaves of what they called pane onesta—“honest bread”—to protest that city’s 2,500 mob-linked bakeries. By swiftly 20)prosecuting 21)extortionists and publicly naming businesses still paying pizzo, prosecutors hope to shame those who still 22)collude with the mob.
National Confindustria head Luca Cordero di Montezemolo, president of 23)Ferrari and chairman of 24)FIAT, promises to ban any industrialists or entrepreneurs proven to be associated with any organized crime syndicate, no matter who is 25)at the helm. Montezemolo says that stopping pizzo “is a real and important fact, which must mark a changing trend,” and called on businesses to “take on the responsibility even though it entails serious risks.”
Andrea Vecchio, a Sicilian construction contractor who refused to pay protection fees, received four death threats last August and watched two of his building sites 26)vanda-lized. He took his case to Italy’s president, Giorgio Napolitano, who handed him a police escort. “We can’t carry on living like this,” Vecchio told the president. “It’s not only us, the entrepreneurs, who are being attacked, but the state itself. We want to live like citizens in a normal country.”
Italy’s crime syndicates 27)siphon off the equivalent of 7 percent of Italy’s GDP, and organized-crime activity diverts nearly $132 billion away from Italy’s legal economy. That doesn’t even include the pizzo payments, which top $44 billion across the country. In cities like Palermo and Catania, an estimated 80 percent of business owners paid protection money to the Cosa Nostra in 2006. In Naples, where the Camorra is run by 28)clans rather than under a 29)hierarchical system, the control is divided and tends to focus on industries rather than individual businesses. A pizzo of $25,000 per construction site is the going rate near Naples. There, too, small family-run businesses pay protection sums of $300 a month, while 30)higherend stores in the city center pay up to $1,500 and supermarkets pay $4,500 a month. In exchange the businesses get discounts from other pizzo payers, 31)preferential treatment for bids and contracts and, more important, protection from mob violence.
Traditionally, not paying protection money and standing up to the mob was a fatal mistake. In 1992 anti-mafia judge Giovanni Falcone was killed by a remote-controlled bomb set under the highway near Palermo’s airport. Two months later another prominent anti-mafia judge, Paolo Borsellino, was killed by a car bomb as he entered his mother’s apartment building in Palermo. Nationwide statistics on mob-related killings are difficult to 32)come by, because many deaths are classified as accidents or families are reluctant to press charges, but Naples’s Camorra alone is believed to be responsible for 3,700 deaths in the last 30 years.
在一群暴徒纵火焚烧意大利全国雇主协会位于西西里的总部事件过去两星期后，协会负责人、意大利商人艾托
尔·阿蒂奥尼依然态度鲜明，立场坚定。在黑手党的起源地西西里岛，意大利人立志要铲除这些邪恶组织几百年来对该岛的控制，阿蒂奥尼的组织就是其中之一。警方说纵火者带走了全国雇主协会大楼里的机密文件，包括一份包含将近300个立誓不向黑手党交保护费的西西里商业经营者的名单——保护费是黑手党头目的主要经济来源。然而在阿蒂奥尼看来，暴徒的恶行是狗急跳墙的举动，只表明他们正走向穷途末路。“这是黑手党已经深陷困境的标志。”他说。
无论如何，希望的曙光总是存在。就在纵火事件后的第二天，在西西里岛的巴勒莫市以及面积不大但意义非凡的科立安小镇上，几千名西西里岛人手举“不要黑手党”和“黑手党滚开”等标语上街游行抗议。长期以来，黑手党集团的罪恶之爪掐钳着这个国家的大部分地区，尤其臭名昭著的当属西西里岛的科萨·诺斯特拉，那不勒斯市及其周边的克莫拉，以及卡拉布里亚区的“勇者”。现在，意大利的草根民众掀起了空前的反对黑手党的抗争，斗争的势头在不断高涨。在逃的西西里岛黑手党头目伯纳德·普罗温萨诺去年落网，二号头目以及几百名集团分子也于上月被捕，这些消息都令意大利民众大受鼓舞。
西西里岛的38名嫌疑犯落网后，2007年被抓获的黑手党成员已超过200名，这也许会进一步鼓舞意大利人反黑手党的士气。早些时候，另一名势力正不断壮大的西西里黑手党头目丹尼尔·艾曼奴尔藏匿在深谷时被警察击毙。他临死前吞下了记有其组织成员姓名和电话的秘密纸条。有关部门把纸条的残片从他的食道里取出后，现在正努力破译纸条上的内容。
现在在巴勒莫，106家商铺打出了“远离黑手党”的口号，意思是不交保护费，不从事非法交易，不与黑手党勾结。在那不勒斯，上星期抵抗黑手党的面包店推出了20000块“诚实面包”，以抗议该市2500家与黑手党有关联的面包店。意大利检察官迅速起诉敲诈保护费的人，公布仍然支付保护费的商户，希望此举能让依然勾结黑手党的人蒙羞。
全国雇主协会总负责人，同时也是法拉利总裁和菲亚特主席的卢
卡·科尔代罗·蒙特泽莫洛承诺，任何被证实与有组织的犯罪团伙相牵连的工厂主和企业家，不管其背后的“保护伞”是谁，一律从协会开除。蒙特泽莫洛称禁止收取保护费“意义重大，必须起到里程碑式的作用”。他还呼吁广大企业“肩负起重任，不畏风险”。
安德里亚·维齐伊奥是西西里岛的一位建筑承包商，他曾因拒付保护费而在去年8月收到4次死亡威胁，还眼睁睁地看着他的两幢大楼被蓄意破坏。他因此上访意大利总统乔治·纳波利塔诺。总统派了一名警察随身保护他。“我们不能再像这样过日子，”维齐伊奥告诉总统，“受害的不仅是我们企业家，还有意大利整个国家。我们希望像一个正常的国家的普通市民一样生活。”
意大利的犯罪团伙每年吞噬国内生产总值的7%；在合法经济活动创造的价值中，被有组织犯罪活动销蚀掉的接近1320亿美元，这甚至还不包括全国范围内支付给黑手党的高达440亿美元的保护费。2006年，在巴勒莫和卡塔尼亚等城市，估计有80%的企业主向科萨·诺斯特拉支付了保护费。在那不勒斯市，卡莫拉分成不同的派系，而不是按等级来组织，各派控制不同的地盘，并且倾向于对行业而不是单个的企业进行搜刮勒索。在那不勒斯周边，每个建筑工地通常得交25000美元的保护费，家庭经营的小生意每个月的保护费金额是300美元，而市中心稍微高级的商店高达1500美元，超市则为4500美元。交了保护费的商家，可以从其他交纳保护费的商家那里获取折扣，还可以在投标和签合同时获得优惠待遇，而最重要的是，他们可以免受黑手党的暴力滋扰。
一直以来，拒绝交保护费，与黑手党对抗很容易招致杀身之祸。1992年，反黑手党大法官乔瓦尼·法尔科内在巴勒莫机场附近死于非命，置他于死地的是一枚安在高速公路下的遥控炸弹。两个月后，另一名著名的反黑手党法官保罗·巴斯里诺刚踏进他母亲位于巴勒莫的公寓大楼，就立即被汽车炸弹炸死。全国范围内死于黑手党之手的人数无法统计，因为许多人的死因都被归结为意外；而且很多受害人家属不敢诉诸法庭。但是人们相信，过去30年里，光是那不勒斯的卡莫拉这一个组织就对3700人的死亡负有罪责。
黑手党起源于意大利的西西里岛。今天，黑手党组织不仅活跃于意大利本土，更随着意大利裔移民散布于世界各地。他们的罪恶行径包括暗杀、非法买卖、妨碍司法公正等。
西西里自治区首府巴勒莫郊外那些田园牧歌般的柑橘林与柠檬林集中着黑手党的权力和资本，这片宁静的土地见证了无数次血腥残酷的黑帮仇杀。贪得无厌的黑帮严重拖累了意大利经济。为了彻底摆脱被黑手党勒索保护费的梦魇，意大利众多商家已经开始联手改变这个延续了几百年的罪恶传统。
Italian businessman Ettore Artioli is still hanging tough, two weeks after 1)hoodlums torched the 2)Sicilian headquarters of his organization, the national employers’ lobby Confindustria. Artioli’s group is one of many fighting to break the 3)mob’s centuries-old grip on the island where the 4)mafia began, and police say the 5)arsonists 6)made off with confidential files from Confindustria’s offices, including a list of nearly 300 Sicilian business operators who had 7)pledged themselves not to pay pizzo—protection money, a major source of income for the crime bosses. But in Artioli’s view the attack merely shows the mob’s growing
desperation. “It’s a sign that the mafia is in se-rious trouble,” he says.
There’s cause for hope, anyway. The day after the attack thousands of Sicilians 8)took to the streets in Palermo and the small but iconic town of Corleone with banners demanding “NO MAFIA” and “MAFIA GO AWAY.” The crime 9)syndicates have bullied and bled much of the country for generations—in particular, the Cosa Nostra in Sicily, the Camorra in and around Naples and the “Ndrangheta in Calabria”. An unprecedented grass-roots 10)revolt against the mob is growing, encouraged by the capture of Sicily’s 11)fugitive 12)capo Bernardo Provenzano last year and his 13)understudy last month, along with hundreds of other 14)mobsters.
The arrest of 38 mafia suspects in Sicily may further 15)embolden the anti-16)don campaign, which has netted more than 200 suspects in 2007. Earlier another of Sicily’s emerging bosses, Daniele Emanuello, was shot as he hid from police in a 17)ravine. Before he died he swallowed secret notes with names and telephone numbers that the authorities are now trying to 18)decipher after removing the fragments from his 19)esophagus.
In Palermo, 106 stores now advertise “mob-free shopping,” meaning no pizzo, no illegal merchandise, no mafia involvement. In Naples last week non-mob bakers handed out 20,000 loaves of what they called pane onesta—“honest bread”—to protest that city’s 2,500 mob-linked bakeries. By swiftly 20)prosecuting 21)extortionists and publicly naming businesses still paying pizzo, prosecutors hope to shame those who still 22)collude with the mob.
National Confindustria head Luca Cordero di Montezemolo, president of 23)Ferrari and chairman of 24)FIAT, promises to ban any industrialists or entrepreneurs proven to be associated with any organized crime syndicate, no matter who is 25)at the helm. Montezemolo says that stopping pizzo “is a real and important fact, which must mark a changing trend,” and called on businesses to “take on the responsibility even though it entails serious risks.”
Andrea Vecchio, a Sicilian construction contractor who refused to pay protection fees, received four death threats last August and watched two of his building sites 26)vanda-lized. He took his case to Italy’s president, Giorgio Napolitano, who handed him a police escort. “We can’t carry on living like this,” Vecchio told the president. “It’s not only us, the entrepreneurs, who are being attacked, but the state itself. We want to live like citizens in a normal country.”
Italy’s crime syndicates 27)siphon off the equivalent of 7 percent of Italy’s GDP, and organized-crime activity diverts nearly $132 billion away from Italy’s legal economy. That doesn’t even include the pizzo payments, which top $44 billion across the country. In cities like Palermo and Catania, an estimated 80 percent of business owners paid protection money to the Cosa Nostra in 2006. In Naples, where the Camorra is run by 28)clans rather than under a 29)hierarchical system, the control is divided and tends to focus on industries rather than individual businesses. A pizzo of $25,000 per construction site is the going rate near Naples. There, too, small family-run businesses pay protection sums of $300 a month, while 30)higherend stores in the city center pay up to $1,500 and supermarkets pay $4,500 a month. In exchange the businesses get discounts from other pizzo payers, 31)preferential treatment for bids and contracts and, more important, protection from mob violence.
Traditionally, not paying protection money and standing up to the mob was a fatal mistake. In 1992 anti-mafia judge Giovanni Falcone was killed by a remote-controlled bomb set under the highway near Palermo’s airport. Two months later another prominent anti-mafia judge, Paolo Borsellino, was killed by a car bomb as he entered his mother’s apartment building in Palermo. Nationwide statistics on mob-related killings are difficult to 32)come by, because many deaths are classified as accidents or families are reluctant to press charges, but Naples’s Camorra alone is believed to be responsible for 3,700 deaths in the last 30 years.
在一群暴徒纵火焚烧意大利全国雇主协会位于西西里的总部事件过去两星期后，协会负责人、意大利商人艾托
尔·阿蒂奥尼依然态度鲜明，立场坚定。在黑手党的起源地西西里岛，意大利人立志要铲除这些邪恶组织几百年来对该岛的控制，阿蒂奥尼的组织就是其中之一。警方说纵火者带走了全国雇主协会大楼里的机密文件，包括一份包含将近300个立誓不向黑手党交保护费的西西里商业经营者的名单——保护费是黑手党头目的主要经济来源。然而在阿蒂奥尼看来，暴徒的恶行是狗急跳墙的举动，只表明他们正走向穷途末路。“这是黑手党已经深陷困境的标志。”他说。
无论如何，希望的曙光总是存在。就在纵火事件后的第二天，在西西里岛的巴勒莫市以及面积不大但意义非凡的科立安小镇上，几千名西西里岛人手举“不要黑手党”和“黑手党滚开”等标语上街游行抗议。长期以来，黑手党集团的罪恶之爪掐钳着这个国家的大部分地区，尤其臭名昭著的当属西西里岛的科萨·诺斯特拉，那不勒斯市及其周边的克莫拉，以及卡拉布里亚区的“勇者”。现在，意大利的草根民众掀起了空前的反对黑手党的抗争，斗争的势头在不断高涨。在逃的西西里岛黑手党头目伯纳德·普罗温萨诺去年落网，二号头目以及几百名集团分子也于上月被捕，这些消息都令意大利民众大受鼓舞。
西西里岛的38名嫌疑犯落网后，2007年被抓获的黑手党成员已超过200名，这也许会进一步鼓舞意大利人反黑手党的士气。早些时候，另一名势力正不断壮大的西西里黑手党头目丹尼尔·艾曼奴尔藏匿在深谷时被警察击毙。他临死前吞下了记有其组织成员姓名和电话的秘密纸条。有关部门把纸条的残片从他的食道里取出后，现在正努力破译纸条上的内容。
现在在巴勒莫，106家商铺打出了“远离黑手党”的口号，意思是不交保护费，不从事非法交易，不与黑手党勾结。在那不勒斯，上星期抵抗黑手党的面包店推出了20000块“诚实面包”，以抗议该市2500家与黑手党有关联的面包店。意大利检察官迅速起诉敲诈保护费的人，公布仍然支付保护费的商户，希望此举能让依然勾结黑手党的人蒙羞。
全国雇主协会总负责人，同时也是法拉利总裁和菲亚特主席的卢
卡·科尔代罗·蒙特泽莫洛承诺，任何被证实与有组织的犯罪团伙相牵连的工厂主和企业家，不管其背后的“保护伞”是谁，一律从协会开除。蒙特泽莫洛称禁止收取保护费“意义重大，必须起到里程碑式的作用”。他还呼吁广大企业“肩负起重任，不畏风险”。
安德里亚·维齐伊奥是西西里岛的一位建筑承包商，他曾因拒付保护费而在去年8月收到4次死亡威胁，还眼睁睁地看着他的两幢大楼被蓄意破坏。他因此上访意大利总统乔治·纳波利塔诺。总统派了一名警察随身保护他。“我们不能再像这样过日子，”维齐伊奥告诉总统，“受害的不仅是我们企业家，还有意大利整个国家。我们希望像一个正常的国家的普通市民一样生活。”
意大利的犯罪团伙每年吞噬国内生产总值的7%；在合法经济活动创造的价值中，被有组织犯罪活动销蚀掉的接近1320亿美元，这甚至还不包括全国范围内支付给黑手党的高达440亿美元的保护费。2006年，在巴勒莫和卡塔尼亚等城市，估计有80%的企业主向科萨·诺斯特拉支付了保护费。在那不勒斯市，卡莫拉分成不同的派系，而不是按等级来组织，各派控制不同的地盘，并且倾向于对行业而不是单个的企业进行搜刮勒索。在那不勒斯周边，每个建筑工地通常得交25000美元的保护费，家庭经营的小生意每个月的保护费金额是300美元，而市中心稍微高级的商店高达1500美元，超市则为4500美元。交了保护费的商家，可以从其他交纳保护费的商家那里获取折扣，还可以在投标和签合同时获得优惠待遇，而最重要的是，他们可以免受黑手党的暴力滋扰。
一直以来，拒绝交保护费，与黑手党对抗很容易招致杀身之祸。1992年，反黑手党大法官乔瓦尼·法尔科内在巴勒莫机场附近死于非命，置他于死地的是一枚安在高速公路下的遥控炸弹。两个月后，另一名著名的反黑手党法官保罗·巴斯里诺刚踏进他母亲位于巴勒莫的公寓大楼，就立即被汽车炸弹炸死。全国范围内死于黑手党之手的人数无法统计，因为许多人的死因都被归结为意外；而且很多受害人家属不敢诉诸法庭。但是人们相信，过去30年里，光是那不勒斯的卡莫拉这一个组织就对3700人的死亡负有罪责。